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First reprinting, 1968, Johnson Reprint Corporation 
Printed in the United States of America 



Wonder-working Providence of Sions Savior in New England 

(continued) from 1645 — 1651 - 1 

Abstract of Bill of Mortality for Boston for 1817 - - 40 

Diseases of which the above died. 41 

Letter of Sir R. Saltonstall to Governour Winthrop of Connec- 
ticut, 1636 ------ 42 

Order of Procession at the Funeral of Governour Leverett, 

March, 1679 ------ 44 

List of Persons killed and wounded at Lexington, April 19th, 

1775 ------- 45 

Extracts from a MS. of Lieutenant Governor Thomas Dan- 

forth ------- 46 

Letter from General Court to King Charles II. 1664 - - 47 

Letter from Hon. R. Boyle to Governour Endicott and General 

Court, 1665 - - - - - - 49 

Letter of Charles II. to Governour Endicott and the General 

Court, 1662 ------ 52 

Address of Nichols and the other Commissioners of the King to 

General Court, 1665 ----- 55 

Answer of the General Court to the above 58 

The Commissioners' Reply ----- 61 

Correspondence between Commissioners and General Court 63 

Secretary Rawson's letter about Harvard College and Schools, 

1665 ------- 65 

■ construction of the Charter for Massa- 
chusetts ------- Q% 

Reply of General Court to Commissioners respecting the Regi- 
cides ------- g^ 

Petition of Gorton and others to the Commissioners, 1665 - 68 

Reply of Secretary Rawson to Commissioners respecting 

Trade - 71 

Answer of General Court to the Commissioners as to the Power 

and Form of Civil Government 71 

to the Commissioners as to Oath of 

Allegiance, Prayer Book, &c. 72 

Reply of Commissioners ----- 74 

Correspondence continued ----- 7.", 

Proposal of the Commissioners to amend our Province laws 84 

Brief Narrative of the Negotiation between the General Court 

and the Commissioners - 9'2 



Petition of the Governour and General Court to the King - 95 

Quo Warranto against the Freemen of Massachusetts - 97 

Proceedings of General Court 1666 - - - 98 

Letter from Charles II. * - 102 
Petition of Citizens of Boston to the General Court respecting 

the Charter ------ 103 

General Court's Answer to Letter of the King - - 108 

Further Proceedings of General Court - - - HO 

Doings of Ecclesiastical Council at Boston as to Anabaptists 111 
Description of the Natardin Mountains in N. E. part of 

Maine ------- 112 

Letter of M. Craddock to J. Endicott, April, 1629 - - H6 

Brief History of the Pequot War - 120 

Account of Braddock's Defeat - - - - 153 

Memoir of Joseph McKean, D. D. LL. D. 157 

Topographical Description of Plainfield - - - 167 

of New London, N. H. - - 173 

Churches and Ministers in N. H. - - - - 175 

Proceedings under the Administration of Sir E. Andros, 1686 179 
Hon. T. Pickering's Letter respecting the original Efforts to 

abolish Slavery - - - - - -183 

Letter of T. Matlack on same Subject - - - 184 

Papers relating to Cape Cod Canal - 193 

Letter of Roger Williams, 1682 - - - - 196 

Expenses of Province of Massachusetts, 1764 - 198 

The New Life of Virginia (1612) - 199 

Pincheon Papers (1629) ----- 228 

Letter of R. Ludlow to Mr. Pincheon - 235 

of E. Randolph to Mr. Pincheon - - ■ 237 

of Tho. Wells to Mr. Pincheon - - - 239 

Proceedings against Capt. Rouse and others - 240 

Letter of S. Sewall to Mr. Pincheon 242 

An Account of some Indian Tribes - 243 

Letter of Mon. Ralle ------ 245 

Memoir of Father Ralle or (or Rasles) - 250 

Letter from Father Ralle to Captain Moody - 258 

■ of Eastern Indians to the Governour, 1721 - - 259 

from Col. Westbrook to Gov. Dummer - - - 264 

Intercepted Letter from Mon. Ralle - %66 

Letter of Professor Ebeling to Dr. Stiles - 267 

Memoir of C. Gannett, Esq. ----- 277 

of Hon. W. Tudor 285 

Opinion of Court about Maiden Church, 1651 - - 3 25 

Act about Privileges ------ 326 

Errours Corrected ------ 328 

Acknowledgment of Donations - 329 


Wonder working Providence of Sions Saviour in 


Containing the passages of Gods providence towards this wander- 
ing race of Jaacobites in these latter seven years, from the year 
1645, till toward the latter end of 51. 

[Concluded from p. 58 of the seventh volume, second series.] 

Chap. i. Of planting the twenty sixth church of Christ at the Town 
of Haverhil, and of preparation for a second war with the Indians. 

J_ HIS year that antient, honored and trusty souldier of 
the truth, Thorn. Dudly Esquire was chosen Governor, 
and the honored John Winthrop Esquire was chosen 
Deputy Governor, John Endicut Esquire to the office of 
Major General. You have heard in the former book of 
the fortifying of the Castlu, and placing a Captain therein, 
which was not finished till this year ; the number of free- 
men added was 56. The Town of Haverhil was built 
much about this time, lying higher up than Salisbury, up- 
on the fair and large river of Merrimeck : the people are 
wholly bent to improve their labour in tilling the earth, and 
keeping of cattel, whose yearly enerease incourages them 
to spend their days in those remote parts, the constant 
penetrating farther into this Wilderness, hath caused the 
wild and uncouth woods tc be fil'd with frequented waves, 
and the large rivers to be over-laid with Bridges passeable, 
both for horse and foot ; tins Town is of a large extent, sup- 




posed to be ten miles in length, there being an over-wean- 
ing desire in most men after Medow land, ^ T hich hath caus- 
ed many towns to grasp more into their n; nds than they 
could afterward possibly hold ; the people are laborious in 
the gaining the goods of this life, yet they are not unmind- 
ful also of the chief end of their coming hither, namely, to 
be made partakers of the blessed Ordinances of Christ, that 
their souls might be refreshed with the continual income 
of his rich grace, to which end they gathered into a Church- 
body, and called to office the reverend M. Ward, son to 
the former named M. Ward of Ipswitch. 

With mind resolv'd run out thy race at length, 

Young Ward begin whereas thy father left, 
Left hath he not, but # breaths for further strength, 

For thou, nor he, are yet of hope bereft : 
Fruit of thy labours thou shalt see so much, 

The righteous shall hear of it, and rejoyce 
When Babel falls by Christ's almighty touch, 

All's folk shall praise him with a cheerful voice. 
They prosper shall that Sions building mind, 

Then Ward cease not with toyl her stones to lay, 
For great is he thee to this work assign'd, 

Whose pleasure is, heavens Crown shall be thy pay. 

This year, although divers Indian Sachems not longbefore 
had desired to subject themselves and lands unto this Gov- 
ernment, yet the sons of old Canonicus having not inherited 
their fathers prudence, with his subjects and land, fell to 
hot contention with their own neighbours and native inhab- 
itants, although they were forbidden by the united Colo- 
nies, and prosecuted so that they would not stick to wage 
war with the English also, which the Commissioners per- 
ceiving, they raised an Army of horse and foot out of the 
Colonies, and appointed as Commander in chief over them 
Major-General Edward Gibbons ; the reverend Mr. 
Tomson, one of the Elders of the Church at Braintree 
was to accompany them, and to preach the Word of God 
unto them, during the time of the war ; but the Indians 
hearing of this preparation against them, sent a certain num- 
ber of their chief Nobility to treat with the Commissioners 
of the uniied Colonies about a peace, who then sitting at 

* breathes ? 


Boston gave them audience, the Indians coming into their 
presence, could speak no more English, but peace, peace ; 
the English were very desirous of an opportunity to shew 
them mercy, and yet would they should not despise them 
in gaining it upon such easie terms, as might cause them 
to move war again, and therefore allotted them to pay 
some part of the charge of the war intended, and therefore 
appointed them to give four of their sons for hostages till 
they had wholly paid it ; the Indians gladly accepted of the 
terms, and accordingly brought their children. Here the 
Reader should be minded of the admirable acts of the Lord 
Christ in awing these multitudes of Heathens, for they were 
the most populous of any that are in these parts ; but it is 
reserved for another place in this history, the Indians being 
slow in their performance, had their hostages returned 
home before the Wapom was paid, yet their two Princes 
Pesicus and *Mexanimo, did upon the sending certain 
armed men to demand the remainder, send the sum de- 

Chap. ii. Of the planting of tlie twenty seventh Church of Christ at the 
Town called Springfield, and of the earnest seeking the Lord by all 
the Churches of N. E. for his gracious assistance in the work of 

About this time one Mr. fPinchin, sometime a Magis- 
trate, having out of desire to better his estate, by trading 
with the Indians, settled himself very remote (from all the 
Churches of Christ in the Mattachusetts Government) up- 
on the river of Canectico, yet under their Government, he 
having some godly persons resorting unto him, they there 
erected a Town and Church of Christ, calling it Springfield, 
it lying upon this large and navigable river, hath the benefit 
of transporting their goods by water, and also fitly seated for 
a Bever trade with the Indians till the Merchants encreas- 
ed so many, that it became little worth, by reason of their 
out-buying one another, which hath caused them to live up- 
on husbandry ; this Town is mostly built along the river 
side, and upon some little rivulets of the same : There 
hath of late been more than one or two in this Town 

- Miantinomo. * Pincheon 


greatly suspected of witchcraft, yet have they used much 
diligence, both for the finding them out, and for the Lords 
assisting them against their witchery, yet have they, as is 
supposed, bewitched not a few persons, among whom two 
of the reverend Elders children : These people inhabiting 
this Town having gathered into a Church-body, called to 
the office of a Pastor the reverend M. *Moxson, who re- 
maineth with them at this very day, of whom as followeth. 

As thou with strong and able parts art made, 

Thy person stout with toyl and labour shall, 
With help of Christ through difficulties wade, 

Then spend for him, spare not thyself at all. 
When errors crowd close to thyself, and friends 

Take up truths sword, trifle not time, for why- 
Christ cal'd his people hither, for these ends, 

To tell the world that Babels fall is nigh ; 
And that his Churches through the world shall spread. 

JMaugre the might of wicked men and devils, 
Then Moxon thou need's; not at all to dread, 

But be aveng'd on Satan for his evils, 
Thy Lord Christ will under thy feet him tread. 

This year the great troubles in our native country en- 
creaseing, and that hearing prophane Esau had mustered 
up all the Bands he could make to come against his brother 
Jacob, these wandering race of Jacobites deemed it now 
high time to implore the Lord for his especial aid in this 
time of their deepest distress, and the rather being encourag- 
ed hereunto from former deliverances and wonderful mer- 
cies received, the which they now presented before the 
Lord with the several branches, and inlarged bounties 
thereof to refresh their frozen affections, and move a melt- 
ing heart in their barren breasts, that began to dry up with 
a lazy lethargy, and therefore thrusting themselves on to 
the work by the loving invitation of that godly Government 
the Lord in his mercy had peaceably placed among them, 
each Church in their own proper place meeting together 
in daies of solemn seeking of the Lord's pleasing counte- 
nance in Christ (the Lord in his mercy helping them) af- 
ter a serious acknowledgment of their own unworthiness, 
by reason of their sinful provocations of the Lord to anger 

* Moxon 


against them aggravated, in that they were committed im- 
mediately upon the receipt of a multitude of marvellous 
mercies, they acknowledg unto the Lord in the audience of 
the great Congregation the manner of his wonderful provi- 
dence extended towards them, that as Jacob professes, I 
came over this Jordan with my staff, and now have I gotten 
two Bands ; so they came over this boysterous billow-boyl- 
ing Ocean, a few poor scattered stones newly raked out of 
the heaps of rubbish, and thou Lord Christ hast now so far 
exalted them as to lay them sure in thy Sion, a building, 
to be the wonder of the world, orderly are they placed in 
five and forty several Churches, and that in a Wilderness, 
where civility scarce ever took place, much less any Relig- 
ion, and now to the Lord earnestly they cry to be delivered 
from the cruel hands of those that would destroy both 
young and old, the bird and her young together, and as Ja- 
cobs fear was, the seed of Christs Church in the posterity 
of Israel should be cut off and therefore pleaded the prom- 
ise of the Lord in the multiplying of his seed ; so these 
people at this very time pleaded not only the Lords prom- 
ise to Israel, but to his only Son Christ Jesus ; Lord, hast 
thou not said, Ask of me, and I will give thee the Heathen 
for thy inheritance, and the uttermost ends of the earth 
for thy possession ; and now Lord, are not these the 
Churches of Christ which thou hast planted for his posses- 
sion ; and that as Rachel and Leah built the house of Israel, 
so now shall these and the like Sister-churches spread the 
whole earth, the Lord Christ raigning as King and Lord 
for ever over them ; Then why do the Heathen rage, and 
the people imagin a vain thing, seeing the time of the Lords 
arising to have mercy upon Sion is come, yea his appoint- 
ed time is at hand ; and he who walks in the midst of his 
golden Candlesticks, whose eyes are as a flaming fire, will 
not suffer his Churches to be trodden under feet of that An- 
tichristian Lordly prelacy any longer, nor yet defiled with 
any transformed Saint-seeming Angels of light with their 
painted doctrines. Thus did this poor people plead with 
the Lord, not only for themselves, but for their dearly be- 
loved brethren in England, *I and all that are Christs chos- 
en people the world throughout ; and although they were 

* aye ; 


not unmindful from day to day of them, yet this year 1645, 
the Lord was pleased to stir up their affections in more 
then an ordinary manner, what success their prayers have 
had, let all (that love and long to behold the beauty of 
Christ shining on and in his beloved Bride) declare the 
loving kindness of the Lord towards his Churches, and let 
all the Churches of Christ, though never so remote the one 
from the other, yet joyned together in one faith and one 
Christ, be frequent in prayer one for another, congregate 
together at the Throne of the Lord, be present in spirit, 
though absent in body ; these New-England Churches are 
neer one hundred miles distant one from another, and yet 
communicate, counsel, care, Jove, joy, grieve with, and for 
one another, dismiss some, and commend others (as occa- 
sion serves) to the Christian care and watchfulness, from, 
one Church to another, and why may not this be practised 
the world throughout, even from Jerusalem and round 
about to Ulyricum ? 

Chap. hi. Of the opposition the Government of the Mattachusets 
Colony met withal, by certain persons, under the name of peti- 

In place of Governor was chosen for this year John 
Winthrop Esquire, and for Deputy Governor, Thomas 
Dudly*Esquire, the number of freemen were about 72. 
At the Court of Election there was a Petition drawn, and 
presented to the Court by a Doctor of Physick, with seven 
hands to it, the persons were of a Linsiwolsie disposition, 
some for Prelacy, some for Presbytery, and some for Plebs- 
bytery, but all joyned together in the thing they would, 
which was to stir up the people to a dislike of the present 
Government, one while envying against the constitution of 
the Government as not popular enough, another while a- 
gainst the Laws or orders of this little Commonwealth as 
too strict, and then to provoke, at least the penurious, 
they tell them of great expence of the publike Treasury, 
and intolerable taxations ; the matter they petitioned for, 
was a bottom to build their quarrel upon, under the name 
of a Presbyterian Government, and this they supposed 
would suit well with their Bill of complaint, which they 


intended for England, not that they cared for a Presbyterian 
Church, for had they so done, they might have found out 
one in the country before they petitioned, but because 
they supposed that the Parliament in England would estab- 
lish that way only, and therefore bore themselves bold up- 
on it, that although their seditious and scandalous words 
and practises should incur a penalty (as none could deem 
any other, unless it be such as are all for liberty, and nothing 
for Government) yet they might bear men in hand, it was 
for petitioning for a Presbyterian Church Government, ac- 
cording to this tenor ; the Court being somewhat slow in 
censuring them, they prepared a plot, wrapping in sqme 
few persons more with them, laying very gross matters to 
the charge of this Government in their Bill of complaint, 
but being suspected by the honoured Magistrates of this 
Government, their plot was found out, and writing pub- 
likely read unto them, for all which they had a small pen- 
alty laid upon them, hardly countervail the charge they put 
the country unto ; but assuredly it was the Lords gracious 
goodness to quell their malice against his people, and indeed 
the proud Bishops sped no better, or not go well, especially 
some of them, nor have any other hitherto prospered, who 
have maligned these poor Churches of Christ, yea because 
the Gortonist painted over a far worser cause, that those 
honourable personages in England, who had the hearing 
thereof could not discern* the Government, though meet 
to send over this year the honoured M. Winslow to mani- 
fest and declare the naked truth of things, having full pow- 
er and commission from this Government to deal for them 
in all matters wherein they may be concerned ; and verily 
the chief Gortonian might have returned from England 
hither, to have triumphed in his jblasphemies over the 
Churches of Christ ; and all the united colonies, had not 
the divel shewed his horns in that book he printed, wherein 
he takes upon him a monstrous interpretation of the words 
of our Lord Christ in John, Except ye eat my flesh, and 
drink my blood &c. had the book been well perused be- 
fore their coming over, surely they had never return'd 
with so large a commission as they boast of, for the Par- 

* Tbe fault of punctuation in this place is evident. There should be a period 
here, and no stop after Government. Ed. 


liament have punished divers persons for their blasphem- 
ies, and very like these should not have scaped scotfree. 

Chap. iv. Of the second Synod holden at Carabridg in N. E. and the 
images of the *Son that appeared. 

This year the General Court of the Mattachusets Gov- 
ernment taking into consideration the many errors in point 
of doctrine that were daily broached by some of our En- 
glish Nation, although the churches of Christ, and the 
people under this Government were free, at least in open 
profession ; yet to declare to all the world, and ren- 
der an accompt of their faith and profession wherein they 
walk, it was thought meet, that the churches of Christ 
should meet together in a Synod, by their Elders and Mes- 
sengers to hold forth the doctrine and discipline of Jesus 
Christ, according to the rule of the New Testament, with 
the grounds of Scripture from which they hold the same ; 
and further to make trial of them by the said rules and 
none other : accordingly at the time appointed they assem- 
bled together, their disputation was plain and easie to be un- 
derstood of the meanest capacity, clearing up those points 
that were most dubious, they having agreed on all matters, 
with a full concurrence of the assembly, did appoint them 
to be put in print, that they might be the better scanned and 
tried of every particular person in the several congregations 
or churches, many churches approving thereof for the 
generality, others there be that have not yet fully viewed the 
same, the books are extant, and shew that the churches of 
Christ in N. E. are not ashamed to make confession of 
their faith to all the world, and are yet ready to receive any 
further light shall be made known unto them from the 
Word of God and none other, nor do they receive this be- 
cause a Synod hath said it, but because the Lord hath 
spoken it by his Spirit, and witnessed by the same Spirit 
to their souls that he hath so done ; some sorts of persons 
have been much opposite to this Synod, first those that 
are so inured with the broad beaten path of liberty, that 
they fear to be confined in the straight and narrow path of 
truth ; the second are such as have their wills wedded to 



some singular rare conceited opinion, for which they have 
been admired of many, and now they fear their gain will 
be gone, if this spirit be cast out : the third and last sort are 
more honest then the two former, and only scared with 
their big words, who tell them of the Popish and Prelatical 
Synods, what a deal of trash and cannon Laws they have 
brought in, and that if they will fall to receiving books 
once, they shall have more and more thrust upon them : 
As also if any shall say its only to declare the doctrine 
and discipline the Churches of N. E. hold, its enough, 
quoth they, that our faith concerning these tilings is con- 
tained in the Bible, and this is all the accompt we need to 
give to any; but for all these scare-crows, N. E. hath 
thro.igh the blessing of the Lord received much peace and 
truth from the former Synod, we wish our countryman and 
our selves may receive the like, and much more from this, 
which ended not with this year. 

This year, about the later end thereof, appeared two Pa- 
relii, or Images of the Sun, and some other strange appari- 
tions of light about her, like a Rainbow 7 , with the heels 
upward, which umvonted sights have been interpreted by 
the provident passages since shewed, among those who 
have had an outside of profession and name, to be singu- 
lar for understanding the mind of God, who would over- 
throw all the Ordinances of Christ, under the name of 
New light, and that there can be no restoration of Religion, 
till new Apostles come : This desperate opinion doth so 
fitly resemble these wonderful apparitions, that seemed 
to be another Sun, yet indeed had no light in them, "but 
vanished away, no man knew how ; so these opinionists 
would make men believe they had found out another Sea 
from their phantastical revelations. 

Chap. v. Of the great pains and care taken by those in Authority, for 
the compiling of Lawes for this little Commonwealth. 

This year the General Court appointed a Committee of 
divers persons to draw up a Body of Laws for the well-or- 
dering of this little Commonwealth ; and to the end that 
they might be most agreeable with the rule of Scripture, in 



every County there was appointed two Magistrates, two 
Ministers, and two able persons from among the people, 
who having provided such a competent number as was 
meet, together with the former that were enacted newly 
amended, they presented them to the General Court, where 
they were again perused and amended ; and then another 
Committee chosen to bring them into form, and present 
them to the Court again, who the year following passed an 
Act of conformation upon them, and so committed them to 
the Press, and in the year 1648, they were printed, and 
now are to be seen of all men, to the end that none may 
plead ignorance, and that all who intend to transport them- 
selves hither, may know this is no place of licentious lib- 
erty, nor will this people suffer any to trample down this 
Vineyard of the Lord, but with diligent execution will 
cut off from the city of the Lord the wicked doers, and if 
any man can shew wherein any of them derogate from 
the Word of God, very willingly will they accept there- 
of, and amend their imperfections (the Lord assisting) but 
let not any ill-affected persons find fault with them, be- 
cause they suit not with their own humour, or because 
they meddle with matters of Religion, for it is no wrong 
to any man, that a people who have spent their estates, 
many of them, and ventured their lives for to keep faith 
and a pure conscience, to use all means that the Word of 
God allows for maintenance and continuance of the same, 
especially they having taken up a desolate Wilderness to 
be their habitation, and not deluded any by keeping their 
profession in huggermug, but print and proclaim to all 
the way and course they intend, God willing, to walk in, 
if any will yet notwithstanding seek to justle them out of 
their own right, let them not wonder if they meet with all 
the opposition a people put to their greatest straits can 
make ; as in all their undertaking, their chiefest aim hath 
been to promote the Ordinances of Christ, so also in con- 
triving their Laws, Liberties, and Priviledges, they have 
not been wanting, which hath caused many to maligne 
their civil Government, and more especially for punishing 
any by a Law, that walk contrary to the rule of the Gos- 
pel, which they profess, but to them it seems unreasona- 


ble, and savours too much of hypocrisie, that any people 
should pray urito the Lord for the speedy accomplishment 
of his Word in the overthrow of Antichrist, and in the 
mean time become a Patron to sinful opinions and dam- 
nable errors that oppose the truths of Christ, admit it be 
but in the bare permission of them. 

Chap. vi. Of the Lords wonder-working Providence, in fitting this people 
with all kind of Manufactures, and the bringing of them into the order 
of a Commonwealth. 

On the day of Election for Governor and Magistrates, 
(which are new chosen every year) the honored John 
Winthrope Esquire was chosen Governor, and the like 
honored Thomas Dudly Esquire Deputy Governor, 
John Endicut Esquire was chosen Major- General, which 
is an Officer the Freemen make a yearly choice of, all 
other Military Officers stand for term of life, unless any 
be put out for misdemeanour ; the number of freemen 
added this year were about 85. the Land affording very 
good iron, stone, divers persons of good rank and quality 
in England, were stirred up by the provident hand of the 
Lord to venture their estates upon an iron work, which 
they began at Braintree, and profited the owners little, 
but rather wasted their stock, which caused some of them 
to sell away the remainder, the chief reason being the 
high price of labour, which ordinarily was as much more 
as in England, and in many things treble ; the way of 
going on with such a work here, was not suddainly to be 
discerned, although the Steward had a very able eye, yet 
experience hath out-stript learning here, and the most 
quick sighted in the Theory of things, have been forced 
to pay pretty roundly to Lady Experience for filling their 
heads with a little of her active after-wit ; much hope 
there is now, that the owners may pick up their crums 
again, if they be but made partakers of the gain, in put- 
ting off England commodities at N. E. price, it will take 
off one third of the great price they gave for labour, and 
the price of their iron ; it is supposed another third is 
taken of the abundance of wood had for little, will surely 


take off the residue, besides land at easie rates, and com- 
mon land free for their use ; it were to be desired that 
those Gentlemen who have undertaken the work, would 
consider the place where their works are, namely in 
N. E. where the Lord Christ hath chosen to plant his 
Churches in, to hide his people under the covert of his 
wings, till the tyranny of Antichrist be over-passed, and 
any that have disbursed pence for the furthering of his 
work, shall be repayed with thousands : Besides, the 
Gentlemen that govern this Colony are very desirous to 
be helpful in what they may, and had rather take any bur- 
thens upon themselves and the Inhabitants, that in justice 
they ought, then that those Gentlemen should be any 
wayes damnified : The Lord is pleased also to compleat 
this Commonwealth abundantly beyond all expectation in 
all sorts of needful occupations, it being for a long time 
the great fear of many, and those that were endued with 
grace from above also, that this would be no place of con- 
tinued habitation, for want of a staple-commodity, but 
the Lord, whose promises are large to his Sion, hath blest 
his peoples provision, and satisfied her poor with bread, 
in a very little space, every thing in the country proved a 
staple-commodity, wheat, rye, oats, peas, barley, beef, 
pork, fish, butter, cheese, timber, mast, tar, sope, plank- 
board frames of houses, clabboard, and pipestaves, iron 
and lead is like to be also ; and those who were formerly 
forced to fetch most of the bread they eat, and beer they 
drink a ^hundred leagues by Sea, are through the blessing 
of the Lord so encreased, that they have not only fed 
their Elder Sisters, Virginia, Barbados, and many of the 
Summer Islands that were prefer'd before her for fruitful- 
ness, but also the Grandmother of us all, even the fertil 
Isle of Great Britain, beside Portugal hath had many a 
mouthful of bread and fish from us, in exchange of their 
Madeara liquor, and also Spain : nor could it be imagin- 
ed, that this Wilderness should turn a mart for Merchants 
in so short a space, Holland, France, Spain, and Portugal 
coming hither for trade, shipping, going on gallantly, till 
the Seas became so troublesome, and England restrain'd 
our trade, forbidding it with Barbados, &c. and Portugal 

* thousand ? 


stopt and took our ships ; many a fair ship had her fram- 
ing and finishing here, besides lesser vessels, barques, and 
ketches, many a Master, beside common Seamen, had 
their first learning in this Colony, Boston, Charles-Town, 
Salem, and Ipswitch ; our Maritan Towns began to en- 
crease roundly, especially Boston, the which of a poor 
country village, in twice seven years is become like unto 
a small City, and is in election to be Mayor Town sud- 
dainly, chiefly increased by Trade by Sea, yet of late the 
Lord hath given a check to our traffique, but the reason 
may be rendered hereafter ; nor hath this Colony alone 
been actors in this trade of venturing by Sea, but New- 
haven also, who were many of them well experienced in 
traffique, and had good estates to manage it, Canectico 
did not linger behind, but put forth to Sea with the other, 
all other trades have here fallen into their ranks and places, 
to their great advantage ; especially Coopers and Shoma- 
kers, who had either of them a Corporation granted, in- 
riching themselves by their trades very much, Coopers 
having their plenty of stuff at a cheap rate, and by reason 
of trade, with forraign parts abundance of work, as for 
Tanners and Shomakers, it. being naturalized into these 
occupations, to have a higher reach in mannaging their 
manifactures, then other men in N. E. are, having not 
chang'd their nature in this, between them both they have 
kept men to their stander hitherto, almost doubling the 
price of their commodities, according to the rate they were 
sold for in England, and yet the plenty of Leather is be- 
yond what they had, *their counting the number of the 
people, but the transportation of Boots and Shoes into 
forraign parts hath vented all however : as for Tailors, 
they have not come behind the former, their advantage 
being in the nurture of new-fashions, all one with Eng- 
land ; Carpenters, Joyners, Claziers, Painters, follow 
their trades only ; Gun-smiths, Lock-smiths, Black- 
smiths, Naylers, Cutlers, have left the husbandmen to 
follow the Plow and Cart, and they their trades, Weav- 
ers, Brewers, Bakers, Costermongers, Feltmakers, Bra- 
ziers, Pewterers, and Tinkers, Ropemakers, Masons, 
Lime, Brick, and Tilemakers, Cardmakers to work, and 

? there ? and the comma should have come after, not before 


not to play, Turners, Pumpmakers, and Wheelers, Glov- 
ers, Fellmungers, and Furriers, are orderly turn'd to their 
trades, besides divers sorts of Shopkeepers, and some 
who have a mystery beyond others, as have the Vintners. 
Thus hath the Lord been pleased to turn one of the 
most hideous, boundless, and unknown Wildernesses in 
the world in an instant, as 'twere (in comparison of other 
work) to a well ordered Commonwealth, and all to serve 
his Churches, of which the Author intends to speak of 
three more, which came to be gathered in the compass 
of these years. 

Chap. vti. Of the three last Churches that were gathered in the compass 
of these years, namely *Haverhil, Maiden, and another Church gathered 
in the Town of Boston. 

This year 1648. John Winthrope Esquire was chosen 
Governor, and Thomas Dudly Esquire Deputy Governor, 
and John Endicut Esquire Major General, all three as 
they were the former year, the number of freemen added 
were about 94. about this time there was a Town founded 
about one or two mile distant from the place where the 
goodly river of Merrimeck receives her branches into her 
own body, hard upon the river of Shawshin, which is one 
of her three chief heads ; the honored Mr. Simon Broad- 
street taking up his last setling there, hath been a great 
means to further the work, it being a place well fitted for 
the husbandmans hand, were it not that the remoteness of 
the place from Towns of trade, bringeth some inconveni- 
encies upon the planters, who are inforced to carry their 
corn far to market ; this Town is called Andover, and 
hath good store of land improved for the bigness of it, 
they soon gathered into a Church, having the reverend 
Mr. fWhodbridg to instruct them in the wayes of Christ, 
till he returned to England, and since have called to of- 
fice the reverend Mr. tDeynes, for whose further incour- 
agement the promises of the Lord for protecting, provid- 
ing, increaseing, and continuing, even the very least of 
his Churches going on, according to his precepts, are 
abundantly manifested in his Word. 

"Andover-? + Woodbridge. \ Dean. 


Thou Sister young, Christ is to thee a wall 

Of flaming fire, to hurt thee none may come 
In slipp'ry paths, and dark ways shall they fall, 

His Angels might shall chase their countless sum. 
Thy Shepheard with full cups and table spread, 

Before thy foes in Wilderness thee feeds, 
Increasing thy young lambs in bosom bred, 

Of Churches by his wonder-working deeds : 
To countless number must Christ's Churches reach, 

The day's at hand, both Jew and Gentle shall 
Come crowding in his Churches, Christ to preach, 

And last for aye, none can cause them to fall. 

About this time the Town of Maiden had his first 
foundation stones laid by certain persons who issued out 
of Charles-Town, and indeed had her whole structure 
within the bounds of this more elder Town, being sever- 
ed by the broad spreading river of Mistick the one from 
the other, whose troublesome passage caused the people 
on the North side of the river to plead for Town-privi- 
ledges within themselves, which accordingly was granted 
them ; the soyl is very firtile, but they are much strait- 
ned in their bounds, yet their neerness to* the chief Mar- 
ket Towns, makes it the more comfortable for habitation, 
the*people gathered into a Church some distance of time 
before they could attain to any Church-Officer to admi- 
nister the Seals unto them, yet in the mean time at their 
Sabbath assemblies they had a godly Christian named 
M. *Sarjant, who did preach the Word unto them, and 
afterwards they were supplied at times with some young 
Students from the Colledg, till the year 1650. one Mr. 
Marmaduke Mathews, coming out of Plimouth Patten, 
was for some space of time with a people at the Town of 
Hull, which is a small Port-town peopled by fishermen, 
and lies at the entrance of the Bays mouth, where this 
Mr. Mathews continued preaching, till he lost the appro- 
bation of some able understanding men, among both 
Magistrates and Ministers, by weak and unsafe expres- 
sions in his teaching, yet notwithstanding he was called 
to the office of a Pastor by the brethren of this Church of 
Christ at Maiden, although some Neighbour-churches 
were unsatisfied therewith, for it is the manner of all the 

* Sargent. 


Churches of Christ here hitherto, to have the approbation 
of their Sister-churches, and the civil Government also in 
the proceedings of this nature, by the which means Com- 
munion of Churches is continued, peace preserved ; and 
the truths of Christ sincerely acknowledged, yet the Au- 
thor will not miss to mind him in the following Meeter. 

Mathews ! thou must build gold and silver on 

That precious stone, Christ cannot trash indure, 
Unstable straw and stubble must be gone, 

When Christ by fire doth purge his building pure. 
In seemly and in modest terms do thou 

Christs precious truths unto thy folk unfold, 
And mix not error with the truth, lest thou 

Soon leave out sense to make the truth to hold : 
Compleating of Christs Churches is at hand, 

Mathews stand up and blow a certain sound, 
Warriours are wanting Babel to withstand, 

Christs truths maintain, 'twill bring thee honours crown'd. 

The last Church that completed the number of 30. was 
gathered at Boston, by reason of the popularity thereof, 
being too many to meet in one assembly ; the North- 
east part of the Town being separated from the other 
with a narrow stream cut through a neck of land by in- 
dustry, whereby that part is become an Island, it was 
thought meet, that the people inhabiting the same should 
gather into a Church-body, and build a Meeting-house 
for their assembly, 'the which they have already done, but 
not as yet called any one to office ; for since the people 
of Christ in some other places, both in England and els- 
where, have through the goodness of God obtained like 
liberty with ourselves, the Ministers of Christ have had 
their labours taken up in other places as well as here, 
which hath caused this Church as yet to be destitute, the 
beginning of this year was sad to the people of N. E. by 
reason of the death of their honoured Governour, John 
Winthrope Esquire, whose indefatigable paines in this 
Wilderness-work is not to be forgotton, nor indeed can 
it be, his Funeral was very sadly and. solemnly perform- 
ed ; by a very great concourse of the greater part of this 
Colony, whose mournful looks and watry eyes did plain- 


ly demonstrate the tender affection and great esteem he 
was in with the people. 

Chap. viii. Of the death of divers personages, who were in great esteem 
with the people of New-Lngland, famous for their godliness, and eminent 
parts, both for Magistracy and Ministcry, and of the correcting hand of 
the Lord upon his N. E. people. 

* Ahis year, after the death of this godly Governour, 
was chosen to succeed in the place, Io. Endicut Esq. 
and Tho. Dudly Esq. to be Deputy Governor, to the 
place of Major- General Edward Gibbons ; and seeing 
that the Lord is pleased to call this people to mourning, 
the Author will proceed to relate what further occasion 
this people have had to lament their miscarriages, that 
have caused the rod to be stretcued out toward them, for 
of a truth, they are no Antinomians : The next loss was 
the death of that famous Preacher of the Lord M. Hook- 
er, Pastor of the Church of Christ at Hartford, and M. 
Philips, Pastor of the Church of Christ at Watertown, 
and the holy heavenly, sweet-affecting, and soul-ravishing 
Minister M. Tho. Shepheard, Pastor of the Church of 
Christ at Cambridg, whose departure was very heavily 
taken by all the people of Christ round about him, and 
now N. E. that had such heaps upon heaps of the riches 
of Christs tender compassionate mercies, being turn'd off 
from his dandling knees, began to read their approaching 
rod in the bend of his brows & frowns of his former fa- 
vourable countenance toward them ; their plenty of all 
things, which shold have cheared their hearts, & quick- 
ned their spirits in elevating both soul and body to a 
thankful frame, through the work of his blessed Spirit ; 
on the contrary it brought a fulness on many, even to 
loath the very honey-comb, insomuch that good whole- 
some truths would not down, yet had the Lord those that 
were precious unto him, who were not wanting to help 
one another out of this distemper, and with more warmer 
affections exhort one another, Come let us go up unto the 
house of the Lord, and he will teach us his wayes ; Also 
the Lord was pleased to awaken us with an Army of ca- 

* This. 


terpillers, that had he not suddainly rebuked them, they 
had surely destroyed the husbandmans hope, where they 
fell upon trees, they left them like winter-wasting cold, 
bare and naked ; and although they fell on fields very 
rarely, yet in some places they made as clear a riddance, 
as the harvest mans hand, and uncovered the gay 
green Medow ground, but indeed the Lord did by some 
plats shew us what he could have done with the whole, 
and in many places cast them into the high -waves, that 
the Cart-wheels in their passage were painted green with 
running over the great swarms of them ; in some fields 
they devoured the leaves of their pease, and left the straw 
with the full crop, so tender was the Lord in his correc- 
tion ; this minded all these Jacobites of the end of their 
coming over, but chiefly the husbandman, whose over 
eager pursuit of the fruits of the earth, made some of them 
many times run out so far in this Wilderness, even out of 
the sweet sound of the silver Trumpets blown by the la- 
borious Ministers of Christ, forsaking the assembly of 
the Lords people to celebrate their Sabbaths in the chim- 
ney corner, horse, kine, sheep, goats, and swine being 
their most indeared companions to travel with them to 
the end of their pilgrimage, or otherwise to gather togeth- 
er some of their neerest neighbours, and make a preach- 
ment one unto another, till they had learn'd so much, 
that they could away with none other teaching : As also 
the Lord was pleased to command the wind and Seas to 
give us a jog on the elbow, by sinking the very chief of 
our shipping in the deep, and splitting them in shivers 
against the shores ; a very goodly Ship called the Seaforce 
was cast away, and many N. E. people put to hard shifts 
for their lives, and some drowned, as the goodly and dearly 
beloved servant of Christ, Mr. Tho, Coitmire, a very 
able Seaman, and also a good Scholar, one who had spent 
both his labour and estate for the helping on of this Wil- 
derness-work : as also another ship set forth by the Mer- 
chants of New-haven, of which the godly Mr. Lamberton 
went Master, neither ship, persons, nor goods ever heard 
of; another ship also built and set forth by the inhabitants 
of Cambridg, split and cast away neer the same place 


where the Seaforce was lost ; as also another Barque 
mostly set forth by Dorchester men sunk in the Sea, and 
never heard of the manner how, with divers others which 
might be here inserted ; this seemed the sorer affliction 
to these N. E. people, because many godly men lost their 
lives, and abundantly the more remarkable, because the 
Lord was pleased to forbid any such things to befal his 
people in their passage hither ; herein these people read, 
as in great capital letters, their suddain forgetfulness of 
the Lords former received mercy in his wonderful preser- 
vation, bringing over so many scores of ships, and thous- 
ands of persons, without miscarriage of any, to the won- 
derment of the whole world that shall hear of it, but more 
especially were the Merchants and traders themselves sen- 
sible of the hand of the Lord out against them, who were 
in some of the ships, and had their *lixes given them for 
a prey ; as also Vintners, and other men of trade, whose 
gain is increased by Merchants men, being so taken up 
with the income of a large profit, that they would willingly 
have had the Commonwealth tolerate divers kinds of sin- 
ful opinions to intice men to come and sit down with us, 
that their purses might be filled with coyn, the civil Govern- 
ment with contention, and the Churches of our Lord 
Christ with errors ; the Lord was pleased after all this, to 
let in the Kingof Terror among his new-planted Churches. 

For this year 1650. Tho. Dudly Esquire was chosen 
Governor, and John Endicut Esquire Deputy Governor, 
Major General Edward Gibbons continued in his office 
still; the number of freemen added were about 55. This 
year was the first noted year wherein any store of people 
died, the ayr and place being very healthy naturally, made 
this correction of the Lord seem the greater, for the most 
that died were children, and that of an unwonted disease 
here, though frequent in other places, the Lord now smit- 
ing many families with death in them, although there were 
not any families wherein more then one died, or very 
rare if it were otherwise, yet were these pilgrim people 
minded of the suddain forgetfulness of those worthies that 

" lives. 


died not long before, but more especially the little regard 
had to provide means to train their children up in the 
knowledg of learning, and improve such means as the 
Lord hath appointed to leave their posterity an able Min- 
ister ; as also to stir them up to prepare for the great 
work of the Lord Jesus in the overthrow of Antichrist, 
and calling of the Jews, which in all likelyhood is very 
suddainly to be performed ; as also in stirring up all the 
young ones that remain, to consider for what end the 
Lord hath spared their lives, when he cut off others by 
death, namely, to prosecute the work that he hath given 
them to do in the power of his might, with the greater 
zeal and courage. 

This year the honored and much desired servant of 
Christ, John Endicut Esquire was chosen to be Govern- 
our of the English, inhabiting the Colony of the Matta- 
chusets, and the antient honored and long continued 
Champion for the truth, as it is in Jesus, Tho. Dudly 
Esquire was chosen Deputy Governour, by the major 
Vote of these wandering Jacobites, with heart and good 
will the honored Major-General Edward Gibbons con- 
tinued in place this year, the Government shewed their 
desire to be assisting to the State of England, in making 
orders for establishing their Edict for these Western 
parts of the world among our N. E. people ; the Lord in 
his infinite wisdom saw meet to continue his correcting 
hand among his N. E. Churches somewhat more then 
ordinary in a sore disease, of which many (in comparison 
of what used to do) and yet not so many as ordinarily use 
to do in other plantations of this Western world ; and 
whereas the former year young children died most, this 
year those of grown years died also, and although so small 
a sickness might not be taken notice of in other places, yet 
the rareness of it in so healthy a country as is this, cannot 
but speak loud in the ears of Gods people, who desire to 
hear the rod, and who hath appointed it, and perceive 
plainly many of them, that the Lord will have us to know, 
that if his own people tread in the same steps of riot and 


excess in the plenty he hath given them, with the men of 
this world, he will lay the same sicknesses and diseases 
upon them ; and further they perceive, according to the 
ordinary dispensation of his providences toward them, he 
hath some further great work to do with his N. E. people, 
that he is beginning again to awaken, rouze up, and quick- 
en them with the rod of his power : For thus they begin 
to reason with themselves, when the Lord was pleased to 
expose them, their wifes, and little ones to the troubles of 
a tempestuous Sea in so long a voyage, and the wants of 
a barren Wilderness, in great penury of food, he brought 
forth by his mighty power, and stretched-out arm, the 
glorious fabrick of his New-E. Churches ; and therefore 
now again they look for some farther extraordinary great 
work of his, if he shall once again be pleased to refine 
them in this furnace of his, and would the Lord Christ 
would confirm our brethren in England in like faith by 
our example, yea, and far beyond many degrees, as the 
Wonder-working providence of Sions Saviour toward 
them hath more abundantly exceeded, and that as this in 
three seven years is comprised, though very weakly in 
this little book, there's in one seven year would require 
volumes, and as this is wonderful, there is almost miracu- 
lous, and wonderful to the whole world, as if the Lord 
Christ did intend to make his power known more abund- 
antly, then ever the sons of men saw Kings and Kingdoms 
strengthened, with affinity and consanguinity, the valiant 
of the world, men skil'd in feats of war, as Goliah from a 
child, fierce and pampered horses, whose necks are cover- 
ed with strong neighing, and cunning Engeniers, men 
skilful to destroy with all the terrible engins of war, to- 
gether with swarms of souldiers flocking together to swal- 
low up the poor remnant of Gods people, all these hath the 
Lord caused to fall before your eyes, and our ears have 
heard the noyse of this great fall; and beloved country- 
men, and our dear brethren in Christ, step into the closet 
of your own hearts with us, and see if there will not be- 
some things in this following verse that may suit your 
condition as well as ours, that having sown in tears, we 
my reap with joy the glorious harvest of our Lord Christ. 


which is hard at hand, for assuredly the Lord is tyed 
neither to us, nor you, but may, if it please him, cast off 
both, and raise up new instruments for his following work, 
but if he be pleased to give us melting hearts for our 
former miscarriages, and renew us with a more zealous 
courage and earnest contending for the faith, it is very 
like he hath more glorious works by far for us yet to do. 

Chap. ix. Of the wonder-working providences of Christ, wrought for 
his people amonsj our English Nation, both in our Native country, and 
also in N. E. which should stir us up to mourn for all our miscarriages 
much the more. 

From silent night true Register of moans, 
From saddest soul consum'd in deepest sin, 

[A] From heart quite rent with sighs and heavy groans, 
My wailing muse her woful work begins, 

And to the world brings tunes of sad lament, 

Sounding nought els but sorrows sad relent. 

Sorry to see my sorrows cause augmented, 

And yet less sorrowful were my sorrows more, 

\A] Grief that with grief, is not with grief prevented, 
Yet grief it is must ease my grieved sore ; 

So grief and sorrow 7 , care but how to grieve, 

For grief and sorrow must my cares relieve. 

The wound fresh bleedino; must be stanch'd with tears, 
Tears cannot come unless some grief proceed, 

[A] Grief comes but slack, which doth increase my fears. 
Fear, lest for want of help I still shall bleed ; 

Do what I can to lengthen mv lifes breath, 

If Christ be wanting, I shall bleed to death. 

Thou deepest searcher of each secret thought, 

Infuse in me thy all-affecting grace, 
[^4] So shall my work to good effect be brought. 

While I peruse my ugly sins a space, 


Whose staining filth so spotted hath my soul, 
That nought can wash, but tears of inward dole. 

A The consideration of the wonderful providence of Christ in planting his N. E. 
Churches, and with the right hand of his power preserving-, piotecting, favouring, 
and feeding them upon his tender knees : Together w ith the ill requital of his all- 
infinite and undeserved mei ; ies bestowed upon us, hath caused many a soul to la- 
ment for the dishonor done to his Name, and fear of his casting of this little handful 
of his, and the insulting of the enemy, whose sorrow is set forth in these four first 
staffs of verses. 

How soon my soul hast thou the Lord forgot, 

[B~\ Who thee and thine through troublous Seas hath 

On earth thy parts should praise him, suddain rot, 
Why dost neglect his glorious Kingdom spread. 

Thy eyes have seen the Mountains mov'd with's hand, 

And sunk in Seas to make his Sion stand. 

No wonder then thy works with Eastern wind 

[B] On Seas are broke, and thy best Seamen slain, 

Sith, thou thy gain, and not Christs work dost mind. 
Lord stay thy hand, I see my works are vain. 

Our ships they shall thy Gospel forth convey, 

And not bring home strange errors here to stay. 

Instead of home oppression, they shall now 
Thy Saints abroad relieve, by Sea them send ; 

No riot shall our Merchantmen allow, 

Time in exchange walks, not in Taverns spend : 

Godly grief and good purpose comes from thee, 

Lord Christ command, and.then to work go we. 

B The Rod of God toward us in our Maratine affairs manifested, not only t& 
our own shipping, but strangers ; as the Mary Rose blown up in Charles River, 
and sunk in a moment, with about thirteen men slain therein. As also one Capt. 
Chadwicks Pinnace, and about four men slain therein, beside what hath been for- 
merly said touching our own shipping. 

Oh thou my soul how weak's thy faith become, 
With scatter'd seed of man and beast, thou hast 

Seen thy great God increase thy little sum, 

C Towns close compact in desart land hath plac't : 

In Wilderness thy table richly spread, 

Thy poor therein hath satisfied with bread. 


While firtil lands with hunger have been pined, 
C Thy harvest hath with heaps on heaps come in ; 

Oh mourn, that thou no more thy God should'st mind, 
His gentle rod to teach thee doth begin ; 

Then wonder not that swarms of Locust fly, 

And that earths fruits for want of moysture die. 

A countless crew of Caterpillers craul, 

To rob the earth of her green mantle quite ; 

Wolves only w T ont on lesser beasts to fall, 

C On great ones prey by day, and eke by night : 

Thy houses are consum'd with much good store, 

By fearful fires, which blustering winds blow o're. 

Lord stay thy hand, and stop my earthly mind, 
Thy Word, not world, shall be our soul delight, 

C Not Medow ground, but Christs rich pearl wee'l find, 
Thy Saints imbrace, and not large lands down plight. 

Murmure no more will we at yearly pay, 

To help uphold our Government each way ; 

Not strive who least, but who the most shall give, 
Rejoyce will we, our hearts inlarged are, 

C Those wait on th' Altar, shall on Altar live, 
Nor shall our riches their good doctrine mar ; 

Our pride of parts in thought of clear discerning, 

No longer shall disgrace their godly learning. 

Our meaner sort that metamorphos'd are, 

With women's hair, in gold and garments gay, 

C Whose wages large our Commonwealths work mar, 
Their pride they shall with moderation lay : 

Cast off their cloaths, that men may know their rank, 

And women that with outward deckings prank. 

C Of the Lords hand against our Land affairs, as is heretofore expressed ; and 
also in the suddain taking away many mens estates by fire, and chiefly by a most 
terrible fire which happened in Charles Town, in the depth of Winter, 1650 by 
a violent wind blown from one house to another, to the consuming of the fairest 
houses in the Town : Under the pretence of being unequally rated, many men 
murmure exceedingly, and withdraw their shoulders from the support of Govern- 
ment, to the great discouragement of those that govern, 1651. Pride and excess 


in apparrel is frequent in these daies, when the Lord calls his people to humiliation 
and humble acknowledgment of his great deliverance : and that which is far worse, 
spiritual pride, to shew our selves to be somebody often step out of our ranks, and 
delight in new fangled doctrines. 

The worlds imbrace our longing lust for gain, 

D No longer shall us into corners draw, 
Nor our large herds us from Gods house detain 

From fellowship of Saints, who learn thy law : 
Thy righteous Judgments Lord do make me tremble, 
Nor word, nor rod, but deep in this dissemble. 

Two Masters, Lord, we will professed serve ; 

How can we Christ united be to thee, 
I) When from thy Law learn'd we so greatly swerve, 

With watry tears unclued we will be. 
From creature-comforts, Christ thou art our stay, 
Work will and deed in us we humbly pray. 

D An over-eager desire after the world hath so seized on the spirits of many, that 
the chief end of our coming hither is forgotten ; and notwithstanding ail the powerful 
means used, we stand at a stay, as if the Lord had no farther work for his people to 
do, but every bird to feather his own nest. 

Oh thou, my soul, and every part in me 

Lament, the Lord his worthies from the earth 

Takes to himself, and makes our earth to be 
E A mourning place left destitute of mirth ; 

Are these the daies wherein that Beast shall fall, 

Lord leave us means, though thou be all in all. 

What courage was in Winthrope, it was thine ; 

Shepheards sweet Sermons from thy blessing came, 
[22] Our heavenly Hooker thy grace did refine, 

And godly Burr receiv'd from thee his frame : 
Philips didst thou indue with Scripture light, 
And Hest had his arguings strong and right. 

Grave Higginson his heavenly truths from thee, 
[E] Maveruck was made an able help to thine ; 

What Harver had thou gavest, for's people free ; 

Follow Green full of grace, to work thou didst assign : 

Godly Glover his rich gifts thou gavest, 

Thus thou by means thy flocks from spoiling savest. 



But Lord, why dost by death withdraw thy hand 
From us, these men and means are sever'd quite ; 

Stretch forth thy might, Lord Christ do thou command, 
Their double spirit on those left to light : 

Forth of their graves call ten times ten again, 

That thy dear flocks no damage may sustain. 

Can I forget those means that thou hast used, 
To quicken up my drowsie drooping soul ; 

Lord I forget, and have the same abused, 

Which makes me now with grief their deaths condole, 

And kiss thy rod, laid on with bowels tender, 

By death of mine, makes me their death remember. 

Lord, stay thy hand, thy Jacobs number's small, 
Powre out thy wrath on Antichrist proud Thrones ; 

Here thy poor flocks that on thee daily call, 
Bottle their tears, and pity their sad groans, 

Where shall we go Lord Christ ? we turn to thee, 

Heal our back slidings, forward press shall we. 

Not we, but all thy Saints the world throughout 
Shall on thee wait, thy wonders to behold ; 

Thou King of Saints, the Lord in battel stout 
Increase thy armies many thousand fold. 

Oh Nations all, his anger seek to stay, 

That doth create him armies every day. 

E The Lords taking away by death many of his most eminent servants from us, 
shewes, that either the Lord will raise up another people to himself to do his work, 
or raise us up by his Rod to a more eager pursuit of his work, even the planting of his 
Churches the world throughout. The Lord converts and calls forth of their graves 
men to fight his battels against the enemies of his truth. 

Chap. x. Of the endeavours of this people of Christ, to inlarge his King- 
dom the world throughout, and first of their preaching Christ to the In- 
dians, among whom they live. 

These brood of Travellers having thus through the 
good hand of their God upon them, thus setled these 
Churches, according to the institution of Christ, and not 


by the will of man ; they now endeavour to be assisting to 
others : The reverend Mr. Hugh Peters, and his fellow- 
helper in Christ Mr. *Wells steered their course for Eng- 
land, so soon as they heard of the chaining up of those bit- 
ings beasts, who went under the name of spiritual Lords; 
what assistance the Gospel of Christ found there by their 
preaching, is since clearly manifested ; for the Lord Christ 
having removed that usurping power of Lord'y Prelates, 
hath now inlarged his Kingdom there, and that not onely 
by the means of these men, but by divers others, both 
godly and eminent servants of his, who never saw New- 
England ; and by divers other godiy Ministers of Christ, 
who have since gone from hence, both young Students 
and others, to the number of twenty, or thereabout, in the 
whole ; besides some who were eminent in the civil Gov- 
ernment here, both gracious and godly servants of Christ, 
and some who have been Magistrates here, to the number 
of five or six, the Lord Christ grant they may all endeav- 
our the advancement of his truths, both in Churches and 
civil Government : But before the Author cease to speak 
of England, he is bold to say, that the Lord Christ will 
overturn, overturn, overturn, till he hath caused such a 
Government to be set up, as shall become nursing fathers 
to his new-planted Churches. 

The Indian people in these parts at the English first 
coming, were very barbarous and uncivilized, going for 
the most part naked, although the country be extreme 
cold in the winter-season : they are onely clothed with a 
Deers skin, and a little bit of cloth to cover their privy 
part. The Women for the most part are very modest, 
although they go as naked as the Men : they are generally 
very laborious at their planting time, and the Men extraor- 
dinary idle, making their squawes to carry their Children 
and the luggage beside : so that many times they travell 
eight or ten mile with a burden on their backs, more fitter 
for a horse to carry then a woman. The men follow no 
kind of labour but hunting, fishing and fowling, in all 
which they make use of their Bowe and Arrowes to shoot 
the wilde creatures of the Trees, as Squirrells, gray and 
black Rockoones : as for Deer, they ordinarily catch them 

* Welde. 


in traps, with a pole bent down, and a Cord at the end, 
which flyes up and staves their hasty course. Bever, Ot- 
ter, and Moose they catch with Traps also : they are very 
good marks-men, with their Bowe and Arrows. Their 
Boyes will ordinarily shoot fish with their Arrowes as they 
swim in the shallow Rivers, they draw the Arrow halfe 
way, putting the point of it into the water, they let flye and 
strike the fish through ; the like they do to Birds lesser 
and great : onely the Geese and Turkies being strong of 
wing, sorntimes flee away with their Arrowes sticking in 
them ; this is all the trade they use, which makes them 
destitute of many necessaries, both in meat, drink, appa- 
rell and houses. 

As for any religious observation, they were the most 
destitute of any people yet heard of, the Divel having 
them in very great subjection, not using craft to delude 
them, as he ordinarily doth in most parts of the World : 
but kept them in a continuall slavish fear of him : onely the 
Powawes, who are more conversant with him, then any 
other, sometimes recover their sicke folk with charmes, 
which they use, by the help of the Divell ; and this makes 
them to adore such ; one of them was seen as is reported 
to cure a Squaw that was dangerously sick, by taking a 
snakes skin and winding it about her arm the which soon 
became a living snake crawling round about her armes and 
body ; another caused the sick patient, for healing, to pass 
bare footed through many burning coals; those that cannot 
cure them, they call Squantams powwons : but if the pa- 
tient live, he is had in great admiration, and then they cry, 
Much winnit Abbamocho, that is, very good Divil : for 
Squantam is a bad Divel, and Abbamocho is their good 
Divell. It hath been a thing very frequent, before the 
English came, for the Divell to appear unto them in a bod- 
ily shape, sometimes very ugly and terrible, and some- 
times like a white boy, and chiefly in the most hideous 
woods and swamps : they report that sometimes he hath 
come into their wigwams, and carryed away divers of 
them alive : and since we came hither, they tell us of a 
very terrible beast for shape and bigness, that came into 
a wigwam toward the North-east parts, remote from any 


English plantations, and took away six men at a time, who 
were never seen afterward. The English at their first 
coming did assay and endeavour to bring them to the 
knowledge of God : and in particular the reverend, grave, 
and godly Mr John Wilson, who visited their sick, and 
instructed others as they were capable to understand him. 
But yet very little was done that way, till in process of 
time they by continuall coming to the English became 
better able to understand them ; and now of late yeersthe 
reverend Mr. Eliot hath been more then ordinary labori- 
ous to study their language, instructing them 
in their own Wigwams, and Catechising Also ^ r r - w } 1 ' 

. nam Ijeveriry 

their Children. As also the reverend Mr. Pastor of Sand- 
Mayhewe, one who was tutored up in N. ^ sSouf' h 
Eng. and called to office by the Church of therein, and 
Christ, gathered at a small Island called Mar- ™L. s °° 
tins Vineyard : this man hath taken good 
pains with them : but the particulars of our godly Minis- 
ters labours, together with the good hand of our God 
upon their indeavours, being already published, no fur- 
ther need be spoken. 

Chap. xi. Of the gratious goodness of the Lord Christ, in planting his 
Gospel in the purity of it, in Virginia : and of the first Church gathered 
there according to the rule of the Gospel. 

About the yeer the lord was pleased to put it 

into the heart of some godly people in Virginia, to send 
to N. E. for some of the Ministers of Christ, to be help- 
full unto them in instructing them in the truth, as it is in 
Jesus. The godly Mr. Philip Bennit coming hither, 
made our reverend Elders acquainted with their desires, 
who were very studious to take all opportunities for in- 
larging the kingdome of Christ : and upon serious con- 
sideration, the reverend Mr. Knowls of Watertowne, and 
Mr. Tompson of Braintree were sent unto them, who 
arriving there in safety, preached openly unto the people 
for some good space of time, and also from house to house 
exhorted the people dayly, that with full purpose of heart 
they would cleave unto the Lord ; the harvest they had 

* Leveridge. 


was plentifull for the little space of time they were there, 
till being opposed by the Governour and some other ma- 
lignant spirits, they were forced to returne to N. E. again. 
It were much to be desired, that all people would take no- 
tice of the hand of God against this people, after the re- 
jection of these Ministers of Christ: and indeed it was 
none other but the thrusting Christ from them ; and now 
attend to the following story, all you Cavaliers and malig- 
nant party the world throughout, take notice of the won- 
derworking providence of Christ toward his Churches, and 
punishing hand of his toward the contemners of his Gos- 
pel. Behold ye dispisers, and wonder. Oh poor Virginia, 
dost thou send away the Ministers of Christ with threat- 
ning speeches ? No sooner is this done, but the barbarous, 
inhumane, insolent, and bloody Indians are let loose upon 
them, who contrive the cutting them off by whole Fami- 
lies, closely carrying their wicked counsells till they had 
effected their desires, their bloody designe taking place for 
the space of 200 miles up the River : the manner of the 
English Plantations there being very scattering, quite con- 
trary to N. E. people, who for the most part desire society. 
The manner of the Indians proceeding was thus, they di- 
vided themselves into several companies, and beset the 
English houses a little before break of day, waiting for 
the first person that should open the doore and come forth, 
whom they cruelly murdered, beating out their brains, 
and then forthwith entred the house and slew all they 
found within, sometimes firing the houses, and leaving the 
living children miserably to be consumed with their dead 
Parents in the fearful flames ; some people fleeing from 
this barbarous massacre, as they passed by a fired house, 
heard a pitifull out-cry of a poor Child, crying, I burn, I 
burn : although they could willingly have made haste away, 
yet the miserable out-cry of this poor babe, caused them to 
hast to the house, and rescue it forth the flames, that was 
even almost ready to scorch it : this cruel! and bloody 
work of theirs put period to the lives of five or six hundred 
of these people, who had not long before a plentiful proffer 
of the mercies of Christ in the glad tidings of peace pub- 
lished by the mouth of his Ministers, who came unto them 


for that end : but chusing rather the fellowship of their 
drunken companions, and a Priest of their own profession, 
who could hardly continue so long sober as till he could 
read them the reliquesof mans invention in a common pray- 
er book ; but assuredly had not the Lord pittied the little 
number of his people among this crooked generation, they 
had been consumed at once for this is further remarkable 
in this massacre, when it came toward the place where 
Christ had placed his little flock, it was discovered & 
prevented from further proceeding, and the Lord by this 
means did so allay their spirits of malignity toward his 
people, they-gathered in a Church in presence of the very 
governour himself, and called to office one Mr. Harrison, 
who could not long continue among them, by reason of 
their fresh renewed malignity, who had formerly an evill 
eye toward them, and could no better refraine from op- 
pressing them, then Pharoah after he had rest from the 
plagues under which he was. After the departure of Mr. 
Harrison, one Mr. Duren became an help unto them ; but 
he and his people also were forced to remove many hun- 
dred miles up into the country, where they now remain ; 
but assuredly the Lord hath more scourges in store, for 
such as force the people to such sufferings : and therefore 
let this Church of Christ continue in the way of his truth 
according to the rules of his Gospel, and without doubt 
the Lord will preserve and continue them, let the adver- 
saries of his Truth be never so potent. As also about this 
time, the Lord was pleased to gather a people together in 
the Isle of Bermoodas, whose hearts being guided by the 
rule of the word, they gathered into 
a Church of Christ according to the rules ne ^ r ^? atha * 
of the Gospel, being provided with able Mr. Patrick, 
persons, indued with gifts from the Lord to wXam d ' ^j; 
administer unto them the holy things of God ; <xng> 
and after they began to be opposed, their 
reverend elder Mr. Goulding came into these parts, and 
from hence he went to England : but this little flock of 
Christ not long after being banished from thence, went to 
one of the Southern islands ; where they endured much 
hardship ; and which the Churches of Christ in these parts 


understanding, about six or eight of them contributing to- 
ward their want, gathered about 800 /. to supply their ne- 
cessity : the which they shipped in a small vessel hired for 
that end, and sent by the hands of two brethren both 
corne and other necessities ; they arriving in safety by 
the blessing of God upon their labours, were well welcom- 
ed by their brethren, who abundantly blessed the Lord 
for them, and with godly and gracious expression return- 
ed a thankful acknowledgement of the present good hand 
of the Lord Christ, in providing for them : so that as this 
book began with the wonderworking providence of Sions 
Saviour, in providing so wonderfull gratiously for his 
Churches the World throughout ; so it here endeth with 
thn same ; and it were to be desired, that the Churches of 
Christ in Europe would gather up the wonderful provi- 
dences of the Lord toward them also, and more especially 
those in our native Country : for assuredly it would make 
much for the magnifying of his glorious wo?ks in this day 
of his power: and although the malignant and antichristian 
party may say, they can shew the like wonders (as Jannes 
and Jambres that with-stood MosesJ yet were the worke 
of Christ for his poor Churches, within these few years 
gathered together by some able instrument whom the 
Lord might be pleased to stir up for that end, and laid 
open the view of all, they would be forced to confess, this 
is the very finger of God, and no doubt but they would 
be a great strengthening to the faith of those, who are ap- 
pointed of the Lord for the overthrow of Antichrist (the 
Lord helping) for assuredly, the time of his having mercy 
upon Sion is come. 

Chap. xii. Of the time of the fall of Antichrist, and the increase of the 
Gentile Churches, even to the provoking of the twelve Tribes to submit 
to the kingdom of Christ. 

It hath been the longing expectation of many, to see 
that notable and wonderful worke of the Lord Christ, in 
casting down that man of sin who hath held the whole 
world (of those that profess any Christ) under his Lordly 
power, while the true professors of Christ have hardly 


had any appearance to the eye of the world ; first, take no- 
tice the Lord hath an assured set time for the accomplish- 
ment of this work, which is set down in his word, 
although more darkly to be understood ; where- Rev. n. 14. 
fore the reverend Ministers of Christ, for these 
many yeers have studied and laboured for the finding it 
out, and that holy man of God Mr. John Cotton, among 
many other, hath diligently searched for the Lords mind 
herein, and hath declared some sudden blow to be given 
to this blood-thirsty monster : but the Lord Christ hath 
unseparably joyned the time, meanes, and manner of this 
work together, and therefore all men that expect the day, 
must attend the means : for such hath been and is the ab- 
surdity of many, that they make semblance of a very zeal- 
ous affection to see the glorious work of our Lord Christ 
herein, and yet themselves uphold, or at least side w r ith 
those that uphold some part of Antichrists kingdome : and 
therefore the Lordly Prelacy may pray for his fall till their 
lungs are spent, and their throats grow 7 dry. But while 
they have a seeming shew (and hardly that) to oppose his 
doctrines, they themselves in the mean time, make use of 
his power to advance themselves to honour : as also in 
these dayes there are divers desperate, blasphemous, and 
erronious persons, whose consciences and their own self- 
will are unseparable companions : these are very hot in 
their own apprehensions to prosecute the work ; but in 
the mean time they not only batter down the truths of 
Christ, and his own Ordinances and Institutions, but also 
set up that part of Antichrists kingdom which hath form- 
erly had a great blow already, even his deceivable and 
damnable doctrines : for as one badg of the beast is to be 
full of blasphemies, so are they, and these take unto them- 
selves seven spirits worse than the former, making the lat- 
ter end worse than the begining, as this story may testifie : 
and some stories in our native country much more. But 
to come to the time of Antichrists fall, and all that expect 
it may depend upon the certainty of it : yea it may be 
boldly said that the time is come, and all may see the 
dawning of the day : you that long so much for it, come 
forth and fight : who can expect a victory without a bat- 



tel ? the lordly Prelates that boasted so much of these great 
atchievments in this work, are fled into holes and corners : 
Familists, Seekers, Antinomians and Anabaptists, they are 
so i|l armed, that they think it best sleeping in a whole 
skin, fearing that if the day of battell once go on, they 
shall fall among Antichrists Armies : and therefore cry 
out like cowards, If you will let me alone, and I will let you 
alone : but assuredly the Lord Christ hath said, He that 
is not with us, is against us : there is no room in his Army 
for toleratorists. But some will say, We will never be- 
lieve the day is come, till our eyes behold Babylon begirt 
with Souldiers. I pray be not too hasty ; hath not the Lord 
said, Come out of her my people ? &c. surely there is a 
little space left for this, and now is the time, seeing the 
Lord hath set up his standard of resort : now Come forth 
of her, and be not partakers of her sins : now is the time 
when the Lord hath assembled his, Saints together; now 
the Lord will come and not tarry. As it was necessary 
that there should be a Moses and Aaron, before the Lord 
would deliver his people and destroy Pharaoh, lest they 
should be wildred indeed in the Wilderness ; so now it 
was needful that the Churches of Christ should first ob- 
tain their purity, and the civill government its power to 
defend them, before Antichrist come to his finall mine ; 
and because you shall be sure the day is come indeed, 
behold the ^.ord Christ marshalling of his invincible Ar- 
my to the battell : some suppose this onely to be mysti- 
call, and not literall at all : assuredly the spirituall fight 
is chiefly to be attended, and the other not neglected, 
having a neer dependancy one upon the other, especially 
at this time ; the Ministers of Christ who have cast off all 
lording power one over another, are created 
* Yea every field-Officers, whose Office * is extravagant in 
h? s ffi o c wnp h rop- this Arm y> chiefly to encourage the fighting 
er Regiment. Souldiers, and to lead them on upon the enemy 
in the most advantagious places, and bring on 
fresh supplies in all places of danger, to put the sword of 
the spirit in their Souldiers hands : but Christ (who is 
their general) must onely enable them to use it aright : to 
give every Souldier in charge that they watch over one 



another, to see that none meddle with the execrable things 
of Antichrist, and this to be performed in every Regi- 
ment throughout the Army : and not one to exercise do- 
minion over the other by way of superiority : for Christ 
hath appointed a parity in all his Regiments, &c. let them 
beware that none go apart with rebellious Korah. And 
further, behold, Kings, Rulers, or Generals of Earths 
Armies, doth Christ make use of in this day of battell, 
the which he hath brought into the field already also ; 
who are appointed to defend, uphold, and maintain the 
whole body of his Armies against the insolent, beastly, 
and bloody cruelty of their insatiable enemies, and to 
keep order that none do his fellow-Soul dier any wrong, 
nor that any should raise a mutiny in the hosts. Not- 
withstanding all this, if any shall say, they will not be- 
lieve the day is come till they see them ingage battell 
with Antichrist ; Verily, if the Lord be pleased to open 
your eyes you may see the beginning of the fight, and 
What success the Armies of our Lord Christ have hither- 
to had : the Forlorne hopes of Antichrists Army, were 
the proud Prelates of England : the Forlorne of Christs 
Armies, were these N. E. people, who are the subject of 
this History, which encountering each other for some 
space of time, ours being overpowered with multitude, 
were forced to retreat to a place of greater safety, where 
they waited for a fresh opportunity to ingage with the 
main battell of Antichrist, so soon as the Lord shall be 
pleased to give a word of Command. Immediately up- 
on this success, the Lord Christ was pleased to command 
the right Wing of his Army, to advance against the left 
Wing of Antichrist : where in his former forlorn hopes 
of proud Prelates lay : these by our right Wing had 
their first pay (for that they had done to our forlorne be- 
fore) being quite overthrown and cut in peices by the 
valiant of the Lord in our right Wing, who still remain 
fighting. Thus far of the battell of Antichrist, and the 
various success : what the issue will be, is assuredly 
known in the generall already. Babylon is fallen, the 
God of truth hath said it; then who would not be a Soul- 
dier on Christs side, where is such a certainty of victo- 


ry ? nay I can tell you a farther word of encouragement, 
every true-hearted Souldier that fails by the sword in 
this fight, shall not lye dead long, but stand upon his feet 
again, and be made partaker of the triumph of this Vic- 
tory : and none can be overcome, but by turning his back 
in fight. And for a word of terrour to the enemy, let 
them know, Christ will never give over the raising of 
fresh Forces, till they are overthown root and branch. 
And now you antient people of Israel look out of your 
Prison grates, let these Armies of the Lord Christ Jesus 
provoke you to acknowledge he is certainly come, I and 
speedily he doth come to put life into your dry bones : 
here is a people not onely praying but fighting for you, 
that the great block may be removed out of the way, 
(which hath hindered hitherto) that they with you may 
enjoy that glorious resurrection-day, the glorious nuptials 
of the Lamb : when not only the Bridegroom shad ap- 
pear to his Churches both of Jews and Gentiles, (which 
are his spouse) in a more brighter aray then ever hereto- 
fore, but also his Bride shall be clothed by him in the 
richest garments that ever the Sons of men put on, even 
the glorious graces of Christ Jesus, in such a glorious 
splendor to the eyes of man, that they shall see and glori- 
fie the Father of both Bridegroom and Bride. 

1. Oh King of Saints, how great's thy work, say we, 

Done and to do, poor Captives to redeem ! 
Mountaines of mercy makes this work to be 

Glorious, that grace by which thy works are seen. 
Oh Jesu, thou a Saviour unto thine, 
Not works but grace makes us this mercy find. 

2. Of sinners cheife, no better men they be, 

Thou by thy work hast made thy work to do : 
Thy Captaines strength weak dust appears in thee, 
Wiiile thou art brought such wondrous works unto. 
Then Christ doth all, I all is done for his 
Redeemed ones, his onely work it is. 

3. Doth Christ build Churches ? who can them deface 
He purchast them, none can his right deny : 
Not all the world, ten thousand worlds, his grace 
Caus'd him once them at greater price to buy. 


Nor marvell then if Kings and Kingdomes he 
Destroy'd, when they do cause his folke to flee. 

4. Christ is come down possession for to take 

Of his *deer purchase ; who can hinder him ? 
Not all the Armies earthly men can make : 
Millions of spirits, although Divels grim : 

Can Pope or Turke with all their mortall power, 

Stay Christ from his inheritance one hour ? 

5. All Nations band your selves together now, 

You shall fall down as dust from bellows blown : 
How easie can our King your power bow ? 

Though higher you in mens accompt were grown. 

As drop in bucket shall those waters be, 

Whereon that Whore doth sit in high degree. 

(3. Christ's wrath is kindled, who can stand before 
His anger, that so long hath been provoked ? 
In moment perish shall all him before, 

Who touch'd Mount Sinai, and it soundly smoaked. 
New-England Churches you are Christs you say, 
So sure are all that walk in Christs way. 

7. No such need fear fury of men or Divels, 

Why Christ among you takes his dayly walk : 
He made you gold, you keeps from rusting evils, 
And hid you here from strife of tongues proud talke. 
Amongst his he for their defence doth bide, 
They need no more that have Christ on their side. 

S. Man be not proud of this thy exaltation : 

For thou wast dung and dogs filth, when Christ wrought 
In thee his work, and set thee in this station 

To stand, from him thy strength is dayly brought, 
Yet in him thou shalt go triumphant on : 
Not thou but Christ triumphs his foes upon. 

<). You people whom he by the hand did lead 

From Egypt land through Seas with watry wall : 
Apply your selves his Scriptures for to read : 
In reading do for eyes enlightned call, 

And you shall see Christ once being come is now ; 
Again at hand your stubborn hearts to bow. 

10. Though scattered you, Earths Kingdoms are throughout. 
In bondage brought, chiefe by those make some shew 
Ol Jewish rights, they Christ with you cast out : 
Christ will their Cords for you in sunder hew. 

* dear. 


Through unbeliefe you were to bondage brought : 
Believe that Christ for you great work hath wrought, 

11. He will your heart not member circumcise : 
O search and see, this is your Jesus sure, 

Refuse him not, would God you were so wise : 
None but this King can ought your hope procure. 
Once doting on an Earthly Kingdom you 
Mist of your Christ ; be sure be wiser now. 

12. The day's at hand he will you wiser make 

To know Earths Kingdoms are too scant and base 
For such a price, as Christ paid for your sake : 
Kings you shall be, but in a higher place ; 
Yet for your freedom Nations great shall fall, 
That without fear of foes, him serve you shall. 

13. You are the men that Christ will cause subdue 

Those Turkish Troops, that joyned Jews have been : 
His Gentile Churches cast down Babels crue : 
Then you that brood of Mahumetts shall win, 

Destroy his seed 'mongst Persians, Turkes and Moores, 
And for poor Christians ope the Prison doors. 

14. Your Nation prov'd too scant for his possession, 

Whose pretious blood was made a price for sin : 
And Nations all who were in like transgression : 
Some of the whole Christ to his Crown will win, 
And now makes way for this his work indeed, 
That through the world his Kingdom may proceed. 

15. Now Nations all I pray you look about, 

Christ comes you neer, his power I pray embrace : 
In's word him seek ; he's found without all doubt : 
He doth beseech with teares, Oh seek his face : 
Yet time there is, the Battel's but begun ; 
Christ call thy folke that they to thee may run. 

16. Place them in thy strong Armies newly gathered. 

Thy Churches Lord increase and fill w»uia!l : 
Those blessed ones are given thee by thy Father, 

The wickeds Rod off from their backs recall. 

Break off their yokes, that they with freedom may 
Tell of thy workes, and praise thee every day. 

I?. Lord Christ go on with thy great wonders working, 
Down headlong cast all Antichristian power : 
Unmaske those men that lye in corners lurking, 
Whose damned doctrines davly seates advance. 


For why thy Folke for this are dayly longing, 
That Nations may come in thy Churches thronging. 

18. What greater joy can come thy Saints among, 

Then to behold their Christ exalted high ? 
Thy Spirits joy with ravishment stirs strong 

Thy Folke, while they thy Kin^domes glory eye, 
Angels rejo»ce because their waiting is 
In Saints assembly, where thy name they bliss. 

19. Thy works are not in Israels Land confined, 

From East to West thy wondrous works are known : 
To Nations all thou hast thy grace assigned, 

Thy spirits breathings through the World are blown. 
All Languages and totfgues do tell thy praise, 
Dead hear thy voyce, them thou dost living raise. 

20. Oh blessed dayes of Son of Man now seen, 

You that have long'd so sore them to behold, 
March forth in's might, and stoutly stand between 
The mighties sword, and Christs dear flocke infold. 

Undaunted close and clash with them ; for why ? 

'Gainst Christ they are, and he with thee stands by. 

21. No Captive thou, nor Death can on thee seize, 

Fight, stand, and live in Christ thou dayly dost : 
He long ago did lead as Captives these, 

And ever lives to save thee where thou goest. 
His Father still, and Spirits shall with thee 
Abide, and crowne thy Head with lasting glee. 

For thy words sake, and according to thine own heart, 
hast thou done all these great things, to make thy servant 
know them, 2 Sam. 7. 21. 




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Letter from Sir Richard Saltonstall to Governour Win- 


Good Mr. Winthrop, 

BEING credibly informed (as by the inclosed may ap- 
pear) y*. there hath beene some abuse & Injury done me 
by Mr. Ludlowe & others of Dorchester who would not 
suffer Francis Styles & his men to Impayle grounds wheare 
I appointed them at Connecticute, Although both by pat- 
tent which I tooke aoove 4 years since & prepossession 
Dorchester men being then unsettled & seekeing up the 
river above the falls for a place to plant upon but finding 
none better to their likeing they speedily came back againe 
& discharged my workemen casting lots upon y l . place 
where he was purposed to begin his worke notwithstand- 
ing he often told them what great charge I had bene at In 
sending him & soe many men to prepare a house against 
my coming & Inclose grounds for my cattle & how the 
damage would fall heavy upon those that thus hindered 
me, whom Francis Styles conceived to have best right to 
make choice of any place there. Notwithstanding they 
resisted him slieghting me with many unbeseeming words 
such as he was unwilling to relate to me, but Justifie 
upon his oath before Authority when he is called to itt. 
Therefore we haveing appoynted you to be our govern- 
our there, the rest of the Company being sensible of this 
affront to me would have signified their minds In a gene- 
rall letter unto you but I told them sith itt did con- 
cerne my selfe In particular, & might perhaps breed some 
Jealousies In the y e . people & soe distast them with our 
Government, whereupon they Advised me to write unto 
you to request you with all speed & diligence to examine 
this matter, & if (for the substance) you find it as to us it 
appeares by this Information herewith sent you y* then In 
a faire & gentle way you give notice to Dorchester men 
of this great wronge they have done me. Being the first 
y\ to further this designe sent my pinnace thither at my 
owne great charge of Almost lOOOZ which now is cast 
away by their detaining soe longe before she could unlaid 


& for which in Justice I may require Satisfaction, as alsoe 
for my provisions which cost above five hundred pounds 
& are now (I heare) almost al spent by this means & not 
any payling as yet set up at that place where I appoynted 
them, which had I but Imagined they would have thus 
greedily snached up all the best grounds upon y\ river, 
my pinnace should rather have sought a pylate at new 
Plymouth then to have staid ten dayes as she did in the 
Bay to have given them such warning thus to prevent me. 
And let them spaire as (I am told) they may very well 
forth of y l . great quantity they have Ingroced to them- 
selves soe much as my proportion conies to & if they have 
built any houses there upon I will pay them their reason- 
able charges for the same But I pray you ether goe your- 
self with some skilful men with you or send Sergeant 
Gardiner & some with him to set out my grounds where 
it may be most convenient betweene Plymouth Trucking 
house & y e . falls according to my directions given both to 
the Mr. of my Pinnace & to Francis Styles, which I think 
they will not now deny me understanding what charge I 
am at (with others of the Company) to secure this River's 
mouth for the defence of them all wherein we hope you 
will neglect no meanes according to our great trust repo- 
sed in you. thus beseeching the lord to prosper the worke 
begun I commend you with ail our affayers under your 
charge to the gratious direction and protexion of our good 
god In whom I am 

Your most assured frend 


I pray you comend after yourself to your good wife 
& Sergieant Gardiner with his fellow souldier whom I 
purpose god willing to visit this summer if he will pro- 
vide an house to Receive me and mine at my landinge. 

For my worthyly Respected Friend 

Mr. John Winthrop Governour of tlie Plantations 
upon Conectacut Ryver in Newe England 

(Labelled) S r . Richard Saltonstall 1636 


Order of March at the funeral of Governour Leverett, who 
died 16 March 1678, and was buried the first day of the 
next year, 25 March, 1679. 

Mr. John Joyliffe ] 

Mr. James Whetcombe i to carry each a Banner Roll at 
Mr. Wi m . Tailer f the 4 corners of the Herse. 

Mr. Ric 3 . Middlecot J 

To march next before the Herse as followeth. 

C Mr. Sam. Shrimpton, or in his absence Capt. Clap to 

< carry the helmet 

I Mr. John Fairweather to carry the Gorget 

< Mr. E m . Hutchinson Brest 
( Mr. Charles Lidgett Back 

< Mr. Samp n . Sheafe one tace 

\ Mr. John Pincheon one tace Mr. Drummer in case 

( Capt. Nich°. Paige one Gaunlet 

( Capt. Jona. Curwin one Gaunlet 

( Lieut. Edw. Willy's the Target 

( Capt. Edw d . Tyng the Sword 

f Mr. Hez. Usher one Spur 

( Mr. Peter Sargeant one Spur 
Capt. W m . Gerrish to lead the Horse per the Rain 
and Return Waite (as Groom per the headstall 
Mr. Lynde 

to carry Banners mixt with the Banner 
Roles above. 

Mr Saffin 
Mr Rock 
N Green 

Amherst, N. H. 4 November, 1817. 

Rev. Sir, 

"■ENCLOSED you will find a list of those who first fell 
-■-^ in the achievement of our independence. It is deriv- 
ed from a Narrative of the Excursions and Ravages of the 



King's Troops under the command of General Gage, on 
the nineteenth of April, 1775, published by a resolve of 
the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts. I have made 
a few corrections, which have been derived from other 
sources. This list includes all that was lost on that me- 
morable day, 

With much respect, 

Rev. Dr. Holmes, Cambridge. 

A List of the Provincials, who were killed, wounded and 


Israel Averill, w. Dedham. 

Capt. Nathan Barrett, w. Concord. 
Capt. Oliver Barron, w. Chelms- 
Lieut. John Bacon, k. Needham. 
Jacob Bacon, w. Woburn. 
Joseph Bell, m, Danvers. 
Josiah Breed, m. Lynn. 
John Brown, k. Lexington. 
Francis Brown, w. do. 
Timothy Blanchard, w. Billerica. 
Edward Barber,* k. Charlestown. 

Dea. Aaron Chamberlain, w. 

Nathaniel Chamberlain, k. Need- 

Nathaniel Cleaves, w. Beverly. 

Joseph Comee, w. Lexington. 

Daniel Conant, w. Stow. 

Samuel Cook, k. Danvers. 

Joseph Cooledge, k. Watertoion. 

Capt. Isaac Davis, k. Acton. 
Benjamin Deland,Jr. k. Danvers. 
William Dodge, w. Beverly. 

Nathaniel Fearnux, w. Lexington. 
Joshua Felt, w. Lynn. 
William Flynt, k do. 
Samuel Frost, m. Cambridge. 

Isaac Gardner, Esq. k. Brookline, 
Ebenezer Goldthwait, k. Danvers. 

Dea. Josiah Haynes, k. Sudbury. 

Joshua Haynes, Jr. w. do. 

James Hay ward, K.Acton. 

Elias Haven, k. Dedham. 

Abner Hosmer, k. Acton. 

John Hicks, k. Cambridge. 

Daniel Hemmenway, w. Framing- 

Jonathan Harrington, k. Lexing- 

Caleb Harrington, k. do. 

Samuel Hadley, k. do. 

Thomas Hadley, k. Lynn. 

Henry Jacobs, k. Danven. 

Capt. Eleazer Kingsbury, w. 

Kinnym, k. Beverly. 

■• Mt 16. son of Capt. William Barber. 



Job Lane, w. Bedford. 

Capt. Charles Miles, w. Concord. 
William Mercy, k. Cambridge. 
James Miller, k. Charlestown. 
Sergeant Elisha Mills, k. Need- 
Amos Mills, k. do. 

Robert Munroe, k. Lexington. 
Jedidiah Munroe, k. do. 

Ebenezer Munroe, Jr. k. do. 
Timothy Munroe, w. Lynn. 
Isaac Muzzey, k. Lexington. 

John Nickles, w. Billerica. 

Asa Parker, k. Woburn. 
Jonathan Parker, k. Needham. 
Jonas Parker, k. Lexington. 
Solomon Peirce, w. do. 
Benjamin Peirce, k. Salem. 
Abel Prescott, Jr. w. Concord. 
William Polly, k. Medford. 
Henry Putnam, k. do. 
Perley Putnam, k. Danvers. 
Nathan Putnam, w. do. 
Prince, a Negro, w. Lexington. 

Abednego Ramsdell, k. Lynn. 
John Raymond, k. Lexington. 
John Robbins, w. Lexington. 
George Read, w. Woburn. 
Asahel Reed, k. Sudbury. 

Moses Richardson, k. Cambridge. 
Jason Russell, k. do. 

Seth Russell, k. do. 

Elijah Seaver, m. Roxbury. 
George Southwick, k. Danvers. 

John Tidd, w. Lexington. 
Daniel Townsend, k. Lynn. 
Daniel Thompson, k. Woburn. 
Tolman,* w. Needham. 

Capt. Jonathan Wilson, k. Bed- 

Capt. Samuel Whittemore, w. Cam- 

Jason Winship, k. do. 

Jabez Winship, k. do. 

Thomas Winship, w. Lexington. 

Nathaniel Wyman, k. do. 

Noah Wis wall, w. Newtoion. 

Samuel Woodbury, w. Beverly. 

Dennis Wallis, w. Danvers. 

Jothara Webb, k. do. 

51 killed, k. killed. 

33 wounded, w. wounded. 

4 missing, m. missing. 

88 total. 

Danforth Papers. 

THE volume, written by Thomas Danforth, Deputy 
Governour of the Colony of Massachusetts, has 
been diligently examined. Before repositing this curious 
MS. in the archives of the Historical Society, it seemed 
proper to print all such parts as have hitherto remained 
unknown. The first four pages are deficient, but the 
letter of Charles II. dated 23 April, 1664, addressed to 

* Son of Dr. Tolman. 


our colony, which ends on the top of the ninth page, 
was probably the commencement of the volume. This 
royal epistle, which I call document No. I, printed in 
II. Hazard, Hist. Coll. 634, relates to his majesty's com- 
mission, so famous in our annals, granted to Col. Nich- 
olls and others, bearing date two days later, and pub- 
lished by Hazard next following the other paper, and 
by Hutchinson in I. Hist. Mass. Appendix XV. 
Next in order in our manuscript, beginning on page 9, is 
an important state paper, never yet published, which 
may be called 

Document No. II. 

Here follows a copy of the Court's answer to his ma- 
jesty's letter of April 28, 1662. 

Right Honourable, 

The favour you have been pleased to shew un- 
to this poor plantation, (for which we return our humble 
thanks) doth further embolden to give your honor the 
trouble of this address, the intent whereof is truly and 
rightly to acquaint you with our proceedings in reference 
to his majesty's last gracious letter and declaration, sent 
by our messengers ; and this we the rather do, because we 
have reason to doubt, that some, who are ill-willers to us, 
and no friends to his majesty's interest here, will not be 
wanting to misrepresent things to our prejudice. 

His majesty's letter was read in the General Court 
(which is the representative of this colony) in October 
last, and ordered to be published, which is accordingly 
done. We have cause to bless God and thank his ma- 
jesty, as we most humbly do, for those expressions of 
royal favour, therein contained, in confirming our char- 
ter and liberties, and passing by whatsoever during the 
late changes might have been offensive, with assurance of 
his protection for the future ; we hope so to improve 
this favour, as may give his majesty no just cause to re- 
pent thereof; as touching the further purport of the let- 
ter, we have this particular account to give, viz ; for the 


repealing of all laws here established since the late chan- 
ges, contrary and derogatory to his majesty's authority 
and government, we having considered thereof, are not 
conscious to any of that tendency ; concerning the oath 
of allegiance, we are readily to attend it as formerly, ac- 
cording to the charter. v 

Touching the administration of justice in his majesties 
name, hath been done, the practice whereof, which was 
discontinued in the late changes, is now reassumed ; con- 
cerning liberty to use the common Prayer Book, none as 
yet among us have appeared to desire it ; touching ad- 
ministration of the sacraments, this matter hath been un- 
der consideration of a synod, orderly called, the result 
whereof our last General Court commended to the sev- 
eral congregations, and we hope will have a tendency to 
general satisfaction. In reference to our elections of 
magistrates, we humbly answer, that it hath always been, 
and is, great care and endeavour, that men of wisdom, 
virtue and integrity be chosen to places of trust ; and to 
that end, that such as vote in elections should be ortho- 
dox in religion, virtuous, (and not vicious) in ponversa- 
tion, and all those, that according to the orders and cus- 
toms of the colony, here established, agreeable to the lib- 
erties of our charter, having proved themselves to be 
such in their places where they live, have from time to 
time been admitted in our elections ; and if any thing yet 
remain to be acted by us respecting the premises, it is 
under consideration among us to that end ; we humbly 
desire your honor will be pleased to assure his majesty 
of the loyalty and good affection of his subjects here, they 
resting secure in their charter, and his majesty's gracious 
aspect towards them. 

Sir, — Give us the favour to add one word more con- 
cerning the case of one Capt. Thomas Breeden, who, 
having, by a high contempt of his majesty's government 
here established, incurred the censure of the Court, is 
now passing for England, and possibly may complain, 
we thought expedient to enclose the truth of his case, 
from the records, that your honor may be fully inform- 
ed, we assure ourselves his majesty will not countenance 


a private person to violate authority upon any pretence 
whatsoever ; we were unwilling to be charged with such 
imprudence or fear, as to omit the punishing of such an 
offender, lest we should thereby prostrate our govern- 
ment derived from his majesty, and by us so long and 
orderly enjoyed ; we commit our concerns in the premis- 
es unto God, and his majesty's wisdom, humbly desiring 
your honor to present the contents hereof, (in a fitting 
season, to the right honourable, the lord high chancel- 
lor of England, with the acknowledgement of our hum- 
ble service and thankfulness, so with our humble respects 
to your honor, praying the God of all grace would give 
a full and rich reward for all favour you have showed, 
or may show to our part of the Lord's heritage, we take 
leave, and remain, right honourable, your very humble 


His majesty's letter of 25 February, 1664-5, being the 
third piece, is omitted, because it may be found in the 
curious Collection of Papers by Hutchinson, 390. 

A very interesting letter from that distinguished friend 
of our fathers, Sir Robert Boyle, may well deserve pub- 
licity, as 

Document No. IV. 

Lojndon, March 17th, 1665. 

Honoured Sir, 

The honour you and the General Court of your 
colony have been pleased to do me, in your obliging let- 
ter, bearing date, October 19th 1664, is a favour that I 
confess was no less surprising than great, for I did not 
imagine that what I occasionally writ to Mr. Winthrop, 
not so much as having been long governor of so large a 
colony, as upon the score of having been my particular 
acquaintance, should have been taken notice of by so 
considerable an assembly as yours, and much less that it 
should have procured me from it so public a favour, 
which I acknowledge to be much more proportionate to 



the service I have been desirous, than to the little ones 
I have been able to do vou : and I am the more affected 
by receiving this honour at this time, because you have 
accompanied it with a command, wherein I doubt, I 
shall not successfully, and must confess, that I cannot 
very cheerfully obey you ; for though I dealt very sin- 
cerely with Mr. Winthrop in what I informed him, con- 
cerning the favourable inclinations I had found, both in 
his majesty, and in my lord chancellor toward the 
United Colonies of New England, and though his lord- 
ship does again repeat and confirm the assurances he au- 
thorized me to give to your friends in the city, yet 1 can- 
not but acquaint you with this, observing, that in your 
last addresses to his majesty, and letters to his lordship, 
there are some passages, that were much more unexpect- 
ed than welcome ; insomuch that not only those, who are 
unconcerned in your affairs, but the most considerable 
persons that favour you in England, have expressed to 
me their being unsatisfied in some of the particulars I am 
speaking of, and it seems generally unreasonable that 
when the king had so graciously remitted all that was 
past, and upon just and important inducements, sent 
commissioners to promote the welfare of your colony, 
you should (in expressions not over warily and respect- 
fully worded) be importunate with him to do an action 
so likely to blemish his wisdom or justice, or both, as 
immediately to recal public ministers from so remote a 
part of the world, before they, or any of them be so much 
as accused of any one crime or miscarriage. And 
since you are pleased I should concern myself in this 
business, I must deal so ingeniously with you, as to in- 
form you, that having about your affairs waited upon my 
lord chancellor (and finding him, though not satisfied 
with your late proceedings, yet neither your enemy, nor 
indisposed to be made your favourer as before,) his 
lordship was pleased, with a condescending and unex- 
pected freedom to read himself, not only to me, but 
another good friend of yours, that I brought along with 
me the whole instructions, and all the other papers, that 
were delivered to the commissioners, and by the particu- 


lars of those, it appeared to us both, that there had been 
so solicitous a tenderness, viz. in the things that related to 
your charter, and especially to the liberty of your con- 
sciences, that I could not but wonder at it, and add to the 
number of those, that cannot think it becomes his majes- 
ty to recal commissioners, sent so far, with no other in- 
structions than those, before they have time to do any 
part of the good intended you by themselves, and before 
they are accused of having done any one harmful thing 
even in your private letters, either to me, or (as far as 
I know) to any of your friends here, who will be much 
discouraged from appearing on your behalf; and much 
disabled to do it successfully, as long as such proceed- 
ings as these, that relate to the commissioners, supply 
others with objections, which those that wish you well 
are unable to answer. I should not have taken this liber- 
ty, which the honour of your letter ought to have filled 
with little else than acknowledgement, if the favourable 
construction you have made of my former i endeavours to 
do you good offices, did not engage me to continue them, 
though in a way, which, in my poor apprehension, tends 
very directly to serve you, whether it do or no to please 
you. And as I presume you will receive, both from his 
majesty and my lord chancellor, express assurances that 
there is nothing intended of violation to your charter, so 
if the commissioners should break their instructions, and 
endeavour to frustrate his majesty's just and favourable 
intentions towards you, you may find, that some of your 
friends here were not more backward to accuse the com- 
missioners, upon general surmises, that may injure you, 
than they will be ready to represent your grievances, in 
case they shall actually oppress you ; which, that they 
may never do, is not more the expectation of them that 
recommended them to you, than it is the hearty wish of 
a person, who upon the account of your care and faithful- 
ness for so good a work, as the conversion of the natives 
among you, is in a peculiar manner concerned to shew 
himself, honoured sir, your most affectionate and most 
humble servant, 



Directed thus, 

These to the Honorable Mr. John Endicott, Governor 
of the Colony of Massachusetts, in New England, 

Memo. Before these letters came to hand, the King 
of Heaven summoned the before named John Endicott, 
Esq. Governor of the Massachusetts Colony, to appear 
before him, he dying, March 15th, 1664-5, having serv- 
ed the Lord and his people faithfully in the government 
of this colony 36 years, and was governour during the 
said time 16 years, 44. 49. 51. 52. 53. 55. until 65. 

The fifth paper, the king's letter of 15 March, 1664-5, 
is given I. Hutch. Apx. XVII. and the next is the be- 
forementioned .commission of 25 April, 1664, sufficiently 
known to the community. A brief memorandum fol- 
lows, which is worth transcribing : 

This paper was delivered to me, underwrit as a true 
copy of his majesty's original commission directed to 
Colonel Ri. Nicholls, &c. but not being subscribed by 
any, was on the 2d of May, 1665, in presence of and by 
direction of the said Colonel Ri. Nicholls, Sir Robert 
Carr, and Samuel Maverick, Esquires, in open General 
Court compared by the said original commission, which 
was read by one of their servants, as attests 

EDWARD RAWSON, Secretary. 

The seventh paper is contained in I. Hutch. Apx. 
XVI. ; but the following article, the king's letter of 28 
June, 1662, to which No. II. was an answer, having 
never appeared in print, is here inserted as 

Document No. VI IT. 
CHARLES R. June 28, 1662. 

Trusty and well beloved, we greet you well ; 

Whereas we have lately received an humble address 
and petition from the General Court of the Colony of the 


Massachusetts, in New England, presented unto us by 
Simon Bradstreet and John Norton, we have thought it 
agreeable to our princely grace and justice to let you 
know that the same hath been very acceptable to us, and 
that we are very well satisfied with those expressions of 
loyalty, duty and good affection, made to us in the said 
address, which, we doubt not, proceed from the hearts of 
our good subjects; and we are therefore willing, that all our 
good subjects of that plantation do know, that we do re- 
ceive them into our gracious protection, and will cherish 
them with our best encouragement, and that we will pre- 
serve and do hereby confirm the patent and charter, here- 
tofore granted unto them by our royal father of blessed 
memory, and that they shall freely enjoy all the privileges 
and liberties, granted unto them in and by the same, and 
that we will be ready to renew the same charter to them, 
under our great seal of England, whensoever they shall 
desire it. And because the licence of these late times 
hath likewise had an influence upon that our colony, in 
which they may have swerved from the rules prescribed, 
and even from the government, that was entitled by the 
charter, which we do graciously impute rather to the ini- 
quity of the times, than to the evil intentions of the hearts 
of those, who exercised the government there. And we 
do therefore hereby publish and declare our free and gra- 
cious pardon to all our subjects of that plantation, for all 
crimes and offences committed against us during the late 
troubles, excepting only such persons who stand attaint- 
ed by our parliament here of high treason, if any such 
persons have transplanted themselves into those parts, the 
apprehending of whom, and the transporting them into 
this kingdom, and delivering them into the hands of jus- 
tice we do expect from the duty, affection and obedience 
of our good subjects of that our colony, if they are found 
within the limits and jurisdiction thereof; provided al- 
ways (and it is our declared expectation) that upon a re- 
view of all such laws or ordinances as are now, or have 
been during those late troubles in practice there, and 
which are contrary and derogatory to our authority and 
government, the same may be annulled and repealed, 


and the rules and prescriptions in said charter, for the ad- 
ministration and taking the oath of allegiance, be hence- 
forth duly observed, and that the administration of justice 
be in our names ; and since the principal end and foun- 
dation of the charter was and is, that freedom and liberty 
be duly admitted and allowed, so that such as desire to 
use the Book of Common Prayer, and perform their de- 
votions in that manner, as is established here, be not deny- 
ed the exercise thereof, or undergo any prejudice or dis- 
advantage thereby, they using their liberty peaceably 
without disturbance to others ; and that all persons of 
good and honest lives and conversations be admitted to 
the sacrament of the Lord's Supper, according to the 
said Book of Common Prayer, and their children to bap- 
tism : We cannot be understood hereby to direct, or 
wish, that any indulgence should be granted to those per- 
sons commonly called Quakers, whose principles being 
inconsistent with any kind of government, we have found 
it necessary, by the advice of Parliament here, to make 
a sharp law against them, and are well contented that you 
do the like there. Although we have hereby declared 
our expectation to be, that the charter, granted by our 
royal father, and now confirmed by us, shall be punc- 
tually observed, yet if the number of the assistants, en- 
joined thereby, be found by experience, and judged by 
the people, to be inexpedient, as we are informed it is, 
we do then dispense with the same, and declare our will 
and pleasure herein for the future to be, that the number 
of the said assistants shall not exceed eighteen, nor be 
less at any time than ten, we assuring ourselves, and 
obliging and commanding ail persons concerned, that in 
the election of the governour, or assistants, there be only 
consideration had of the wisdom, virtue and integrity of 
the persons to be chosen, and not of any faction, with 
reference to their opinions and outward professions ; and 
that all the freeholders, of competent estates, not vicious 
in conversation, and orthodox in religion (tho' of different 
persuasion in church government) may have their votes 
in the election of all officers, both civil and military. 


Lastly, our will and pleasure is, that at the next Gene- 
ral Court of that our colony, this our letter and declara- 
tion be communicated and published, that all our loving 
subjects, within that our plantation, may know our grace 
and favour to them, and that w T e do take them into our 
protection, as our loving and dutiful subjects, and that we 
will be ready, from time to time, to receive any applica- 
tion or address from them which may concern their in- 
terest, and the good of that our colony, and that we will 
advance the benefit and trade thereof by our uttermost 
endeavours and countenance, presuming that they will still 
merit the same by their duty and obedience. 

Given at our Court at Hampton Court, the 28th day of 
June, in the fourteenth year of our reign, 1662. 
By his majesty's command, 



To our trusty and well beloved, the Governor of the 
Colony of the Massachusetts, in New England, to be 
communicated to the General Court there. 

This is a true copy of his majesty's letter, presented 
by the much honored Mr. Simon Bradstreet and Mr. 
John Norton, to the Governor and General Court, being 
read in the General Court at Boston, 8th of Oct. 1662, 
and left on file, as attests 

EDWARD RAWSON, Secretary. 

Document No. IX. 

Here follows a paper, delivered with the 4 papers that 
the commissioners delivered, May 2, '65. 


To you, the General Assembly of this his majes- 
ty's colony, we have many things to communicate, by 
command from our gracious sovereign, all which (to 
prevent the inconveniences of impertinent speeches, mis- 
understandings and false reports) we are resolved to do 
in as few and as plain words as we can by writing under 


our bands* Before we can say any thing to the contents 
of the king's commission, we are necessitated to say 
something to the truth of it, it being the foundation of 
our employment, and maliciously reported by some to 
have been made under an old hedge. But that it was 
not so made, will manifestly appear to any rational man, 
by these undeniable arguments ; 1st. The king himself 
(and the lord chancellor) told Mr. Norton and Mr. Brad- 
street of this colony, Mr. Winthrop of Connecticut, Mr. 
Clarke of Rhode Island, and several others now in these 
countries, that he intended shortly to send over commis- 
sioners, and to many of these, we brought letters, either 
from the king, or the lord chancellor. 

2. By comparing the king's reasons expressed in the 
commission with those mentioned in his gracious letter 
to this colony. 

3. Being brought hither by three of the king's frigates. 
This alone had been sufficient. 

Those personal slanders, with which we are calumni- 
ated, as private men, we slight, as christians we forgive, 
and will not mention ; but as persons employed by his 
sacred majesty, we must not suffer his honor to be eclip- 
sed by a cloud of black reproaches, and some seditious 
speeches, without demanding justice from you against 
those who have raised, reported or made thern. 

Some of them are these. That the king hath sent us 
over here to raise Z.5000 a year out of the colony for his 
majesty's use and I2d, for every acre of improved land 
besides, and to take from this colony many of their civil 
liberties and ecclesiastical privileges, of which particulars 
we have been asked the truth in several places, all which 
reports we did, and here do disclaim as false ; and protest, 
that they are diametrically contrary to the truth, as ere 
long we shall make it appear more plainly. 

This, gentlemen, was the cause why we desired the 
magistrates of this place, about Feb. 14th last, that the 
country might come freely in to this election. This only 
was the reason why we wrote some letters to our friends 
to invite all hither at this time, as will appear by the letter 
itself, a copy of w 7 hich we herewith deliver. We know 


it was a duty incumbent on us chiefly to wipe these soil- 
ing aspersions of his majesty's honour, and to prevent the 
spreading of this poisonous infection amongst his majes- 
ty's good subjects. 

Gentlemen, — Though we cannot think that any here 
can be guilty of any such black crimes, yet this we say, 
that you cannot use a better argument to convince the 
whole world, or the king, who is most nearly concerned, 
that you are not so, than by severely punishing those 
whom you may find guilty, if you will take notice of it 
as you ought to do. 

Now concerning the commission itself, the reasons 
mentioned in it are only such as must seem to concern 
all the colonies, and they are 

1st. Several colonies having made addresses to the 
king, desired he would take them into his protection, 
which this colony, amongst others, did. 

2d. The second is the complaints and disputes arisen 
about the bounds of several patents, which is the third 
in the king's letter. 

3d. The third is, that all his good subjects might en- 
joy the privileges, both civil and ecclesiastical, granted 
to them, the same with the second in the king's letter. 

4th. The fourth is, some native princes have com- 
plained of acts of violence and injury, which is the fourth 
too in the king's letter. 

5th. The fifth is, that the king being informed of the 
condition of all his colonies, might the better know how 
to contribute to the improvement of their happiness. 

According to these reasons of sending us, the king 
hath been pleased to give us power sufficient to accom- 
plish the ends for which he sent us ; of all which we 
shall have occasion to say something, when we let you 
see our several instructions. 

The first reason mentioned in the king's letter to this 
colony, is peculiar to this colony, and is to discountenance 
and suppress those unreasonable jealousies, and malicious 
calumnies, which wicked and inquiet spirits labour to 
infuse, viz. as that our subjects there do not submit to 
government, but look upon themselves as independent 



on us. A fairer opportunity you can never have to 
throw this calumny (if it be one) to the depth of hell, to 
the father of lies, from whence it came. 

The king has done more than his share, as shall 
immediately appear ; the rest lies wholly upon yourselves. 

The 2d, 3d, and 4th reasons, being in the commission, 
we will not repeat them again. 

The fifth is about reducing of the Dutch, which the 
king did not communicate to any colony but this. 

The 6th is, that we might confer with you about the 
king's letter, date June 28, 1662, with the answer to 
which his majesty says he is not satisfied. 

All these reasons, being seriously considered, will 
prove all these slanders to be exceedingly false and 
groundless, and therefore by so much the more malicious. 
The grace, favour, care and condescension, which his 
majesty has expressed towards you, must needs prevail 
with you to do him justice, by whose authority you have 
power to make laws. 

That it may appear, that these are the reasons, men- 
tioned in his majesty's letter, here is a true copy of it, 
which we are also commanded to deliver to you, and in 
his majesty's name, we desire that it may be seriously 
considered of by you, and made public to others, that 
it may not be obstructed in those honourable ends, de- 
signed by his majesty, the conveying of his further grace 
and favour to you, and the acquainting of all his subjects 
with the true reasons why his majesty did send us. 


Document No. X 

Here follows the Court's answer to the four first in- 
structions, and this last paper, which were delivered into 
Court, May 2, 1665. 


Honourable Gentlemen 

Having perused the papers delivered in by 
yourselves the day before our election, and thereby un- 
derstanding you have further to impart to us his majes- 
ty's pleasure, which had it been at once communicated 
to us, might, in our apprehensions, have conduced much 
to mutual satisfaction ; but your expectation of our an- 
swer to what you have already proposed, and our desire 
to despatch the business of this court, hath put us upon 
this brief return at present, reserving liberty, if there be 
cause, to enlarge upon the particulars. 

1. We do, with all humble thankfulness (as becomes 
us) acknowledge his majesty's great grace, favour and 
kindness, to this colony, expressed in his letter and mes- 
sages at several times, which we have implored in some, 
acknowledged, as we had just cause, in other of our ad- 
dresses to his majesty, in which also, we have professed 
our duty and loyalty to his majesty, and shall most readi- 
ly lay hold of every opportunity to manifest the same, 
and to assure his majesty thereof. 

2. The matter unto which your second instruction re- 
fers being now fully accomplished, there remains no 
further answer to be made by us thereto, only a thankful 
acknowledgment to yourselves wherein you have done 
us right in your giving his majesty a true account 

3. For a map of the limits of our jurisdiction, upon 
the first notice of your desires, gentlemen, first made 
known to the governor and council by your letters from 
Rhode Island, dated March 13, '64, care was taken, 
and now such further provision is made by this court, 
that we doubt not but you will speedily receive satisfac- 
tion therein. 

4. Gentlemen, we are not conscious of any neglect in 
publishing his majesty's last letter. For having called a 
General Court in August last, to raise men for his majes- 
ty's service, the said letter was communicated to the 
whole assembly, according to his majesty's command, 


and copies thereof were spread abroad, that the people 
could not be ignorant of the contents thereof. 

5. In the like manner, gentlemen, the five papers, de- 
livered the day before the election, have been communi- 
cated to this whole General Court ; and if yourselves de- 
sire any further publication thereof, we shall endeavour 
your satisfaction therein, and shall be ready further to 
advise with yourselves of the best means of removing all 
jealousies, and silencing all scandalous and false rumours 
that have been raised, and preventing the same for the 
future ; acknowledging it to be our duty to exert that 
power his majesty hath betrusted us with, to vindicate 
his honour, and yourselves employed by him, being 
enabled thereunto by your more particular information, 
which, in this cause, yourselves will think necessary, it 
being extremely difficult, if not impossible, to trace these 
wild and absurd rumours to their first fountain, every 
reporter commonly contributing some addition to the 
stream. If any have industriously and maliciously scan- 
dalized his majesty, or his commissioners, they deserve 
severe punishment ; if rashly and unadvisedly any have 
discovered their own weakness and folly, gentlemen, 
they may be the objects of your charity and candour up- 
on the acknowledgment of their errors, or of our justice, 
if. their own discretion and your lenity prevent not the 

Gentlemen, Our confidence of his majesty's grace, 
favour and royal intentions to us, being further cherish- 
ed by yourselves, will undoubtedly draw from us more 
ample, (we dare not say proportional expressions and 
demonstrations of our duty, loyalty and good affection to 
his majesty, according as by our patent we are bound. 

EDWARD RAW80N, Sec'ry. 
Boston, May 5, 1665. 

Document No. XL 

The reply of his majesty's commissioners to your pa- 
per of the 5th of May, 1665. 


To the preface, we have only this to say, that we de- 
sire you would improve that liberty, which you have re- 
served to enlarge upon, as particulars shall arise, and we 
shall readily attend some, and propose other expedients 
for the more speedy and happy despatch of the affairs de- 
pending in court. 

To the first head of your answer, the opportunity you 
seem so willing to lay hold of, is brought to your hands, 
accompanied with all the circumstances of the clemency 
and kindness, which the rich heart of a gracious prince 
can bestow upon his subjects, and we doubt not, that his 
majesty (when you have answered his expectations) will 
exceed yours. 

To the second, a further discourse is unnecessary, for 
the report is remitted to his majesty. 

To the third, there are many things of great moment, 
which cannot be heard or issued before we have a perfect 
map of the limits of this jurisdiction, as they are express- 
ed in the charter. 

To the fourth, we shall not aggravate any neglect 
which is so solemnly disowned, but surely the publica- 
tion of his majesty's last letters, ought have had a better 
influence, and given a new life to the contents of his maj- 
esty's letter of June 28, 1662, which hath slept so long in 
some hands, that we hope now this General Court will 
see great cause, by practical assertions of their tender du- 
ty and obedience, to give his majesty more full satisfaction 

To the fifth, we are fully persuaded, that the printing 
of the results and conclusions, which shall be made be- 
tween us on his majesty's part, and yourselves, will be 
the best means of removing all jealousies ; but for the si- 
lencing of scandalous and false reports which have been 
raised, we suppose, that the committee already appointed 
by you will not only prepare some remonstrance of de- 
testation against such former practices, as false and mali- 
cious, but take such due examinations and depositions, 
as shall be tendered against any particular person, or per- 
sons, whom we shall leave to your justice, though we 


have very candid intentions of a charitable construction, 
where either weakness or folly have been the chief ingre- 
dient of their venomous discourses ; but in the mean 
time, we think it necessary, that it may be known what 
hath been said, or can be made appear before the com- 
mittee, to whom we shall give the names of some witnes- 
ses to one particular, without raking into the ashes of any 

To the conclusion, we suppose your expressions fall 
as short of your intentions, as they are in truth of that 
loyalty, which Englishmen owe to their king. We 
think fit therefore to remind you, that although there re- 
mains a particular obligation upon this colony to his 
majesty, for his grace and favour in granting such privi- 
leges and immunities as are expressed in the patent, yet 
the limits of that obligation are too narrow to circum- 
scribe all that duty and allegiance, which, from natural 
born subjects, is due to his majesty, and yourselves have 
in former papers more suitably expressed. 

Gentlemen, we shall, at any time or place, debate, con- 
sult and advise with any members of your court towards 
the despatch, and the right understanding of our public 
negociations, and in all other things you will find us 
disposed to all those acts of cheerfulness, openness of 
heart, and sincerity of action, which, by the blessing of 
God, will undoubtedly produce that mutual confidence, 
which is necessary to the welfare of this colony, and of 
ample satisfaction to his majesty. 


To the General Court of his majesty's colony of the 

Many papers following, on the same subject, may be 
united together for convenience of reference as 


Document No. XII. 

Sent by the Court to the king's commissioners, May 
9th, 1665. 


Upon perusal of the papers you have delivered 
us, as also a copy of a warrant to John Porter, said to be 
signed by three of yourselves, we apprehend our patent 
and his majesty's authority, committed unto us, to be 
greatly infringed. Your answer, for help to a right un- 
derstanding thereof, will be very acceptable to us, and 
greatly facilitate our return to what you have already pre- 
sented unto us, 


To the Honourable Colonel Nicholls, and the rest of 
his majesty's commissioners. 

Here follows the Court's answer to their 5th instruction. 


It is no strange thing to us, that have been so 
long acquainted with the falsehoods and barbarous prac- 
tices of the Indians, Narraganset and others, to hear 
them make complaint, when themselves have done the 
injury, we have been conscientiously careful, ever since 
our coming hither, so to demean ourselves towards them, 
as to prevent and cut off all just cause of complaints* 
We know not of any wrong done them by this govern- 
ment, or any particular person therein. All differences 
relating to the Indians for more than twenty years, have 
been transacted and issued by the joint consent and 
agreement of the United Colonies, and to be seen among 
the acts of the commissioners, together with the grounds 
and reasons of their proceedings, the perusal whereof may 
give the best information that we can suggest. 

EDW: RAWSON, Sec'ry. 


10 3 1665 ] ^ ere ^°^ 0WS a P a P er > sent by the king's 
5 commissioners to the Court. 


In answer to yours of the ninth, wherem his 
majesty's instructions, and the warrant to John Porter are 
misinterpreted, we desire you will appoint some persons, 
with whom we may have a conference, to the better in- 
formation of the General Court, that your patent is not in 
the least infringed. 

May 10, 1665. SAMUEL MAVERICK. 

To the General Court of his majesty's colony of the 

} Here follows a copy of a paper, delivered 
10. 3. 1665. \ by the commissioners to the Court, by 
) them said to be the oath of allegiance. 

I, A. B. do truly and sincerely acknowledge, profess, 
testify and declare in my conscience, before* God and the 
world, that our sovereign lord, king Charles, is lawful 
and rightful king of this realm, and of all other his majes- 
ty's dominions and countries ; and that the pope, neither 
of himself, nor by any authority of the church and see of 
Rome, or by any other means with any others, hath any 
power or authority to dispose the king, or to dispose any 
of his majesty's kingdoms or dominions, or to authorise 
any foreign prince to invade, or annoy him, or his coun- 
tries, or to discharge any of his subjects of their allegiance 
or obedience to his majesty, or to give license or leave to 
any of them to bear arms, raise tumults, or to offer any 
violence or hurt to his majesty's royal person, state and 
government, or any of his majesty's subjects within his 
majesty's dominions. Also, I do swear from my heart, 
that notwithstanding any declaration or sentence of ex- 


communication or deprivation, made or granted, or to be 
made or granted by the pope, or his successors, or by 
any authority derived, or pretended to be derived from 
him, or his see, against the said king, his heirs, or suc- 
cessors, and him and them will defend to the uttermost 
of my power against all conspiracies and attempts what- 
soever, which shall be made against his or their persons, 
their crown and dignity, by reason or colour of any such 
sentence or declaration, or otherwise, and will do my best 
endeavour to disclose and make known unto his majesty, 
his heirs and successors, all treasons and traitorous con- 
spiracies, which I shall know or hear of, to be made 
against him or any of them. And I do further swear, 
that I do from my heart abhor, detest, and abjure, as im- 
pious and heretical, this damnable doctrine and position, 
that princes, which be excommunicated or deprived by 
the pope, nor any other person whatsoever, hath power 
to absolve me of this oath, or any part thereof, which I 
acknowledge by good and full authority to be lawfully 
administered unto me, and do renounce all pardons and 
dispensations to the contrary ; and these things I do 
plainly and sincerely acknowledge and swear, according 
to these express words by me spoken, and according to 
the plain and common sense and understanding of the 
same words, without any equivocation, or mental eva- 
sion, or secret reservation whatsoever. And I do make 
this recognition and acknowledgment, heartily, willingly 
and truly, upon the true faith of a christian. So help me 


In answer to his majesty's instruction, No. 6, 
and your proposition thereupon, you may please to take 
notice, that there is a small college in this jurisdiction, at 
the town of Cambridge, called Harvard College, the first 
and principal benefactor and founder thereof being of that 
name, there hath been and is several sums disbursed by 
the treasurer of this jurisdiction, both for the building 
and maintenance thereof; some small additions have 
10 vol. vnr. 


likewise been cast in from the beneficence of some well 
disposed persons, we have appointed the president, fel- 
lows and treasurer of the said college to give you a par- 
ticular account thereof: and through the blessing of God 
(we may say, and that without boasting) that at least one 
hundred able preachers, physicians and chirurgeons, and 
other useful persons that have been serviceable in his 
dominions, that have issued thence. Concerning the 
civilizing and instructing the Indians in the knowledge 
of God, and human learning, there is a small college or 
fabrick of brick erected in Cambridge, peculiarly appro- 
priated to the Indians, which was built on the account, 
and by the order of the corporation, there are eight In- 
dian youths, (one whereof is in the college and ready to 
commence bachellor of arts,) besides another in the like 
capacity, a few months since, with several English, mur- 
dered by the Indians at Nantucket, and at other schools, 
some ready to come into the college, all which are main- 
tained on the stock's account and charge. 

Touching other schools, there is by law enjoined a 
school to be kept and maintained in every town, and for 
such towns as are of one hundred families, they are re- 
quired to have a grammar school : The country is gene- 
rally well provided of schools. 

There are six towns of Indians within this jurisdiction, 
who profess christian religion, who have lands and town- 
ships set forth and appropriated to them by this court. 
There are also persons appointed to govern and instruct 
them in civility and religion, and to decide controversies 
amongst them : the Sabbath is constantly kept by them, 
and they all attend to the publick worship of God ; they 
have schools to teach their children to read and write in 
several of their towns, and many of their youth and 
some older persons can read and write ; if you please to 
be eye and ear witnesses of the truth of these things, we 
have appointed the persons, that attend that work, to wait 
upon you and show you their towns and manners. 

EDW : RAWSON, Sec'ry. 

May 11, 1665. 



In answer to your proposition upon h\s majes- 
ty's instructions, No. 7, 8, wherein you offer us the choice 
of the place for you to hear and examine complaints made 
to you against us ; We consider our charter under the 
great seal of England giveth full power unto the authority 
here established, according thereto, to govern all the peo- 
ple of this place, whether inhabitants or strangers ; and 
for all legal acts and administrations of government, it 
giveth us a sufficient royal warrant and discharge. This 
charter is confirmed by the king's most excellent majesty, 
now reigning, and appointed to be inviolably observed, 
as your instructions do again and again assure us. The 
inviolable observation hereof seems inconsistent with your 
hearing and determining complaints and appeals against 
us ; nevertheless, as we have desired to be doers of truth 
and righteousness, and therefore not to shun or decline the 
light, so if you shall please to impart the complaints that 
are brought in against us, we hope to give such an an- 
swer and account as shall be consonant to reason and 
equity, whereby you may satisfy his majesty, that our 
actions have not been such as evil minded men would 
willingly represent them. 

May 11, 1665. 

Court's answer to No. 10. 


Since his majesty's return into England, we are 
ignorant of any persons attainted of high treason to have 
arrived here, except Mr. Whaley and Goffe, who, coming 
hither in the summer, 1660, and, as we suppose, before 
the act of Parliament, departed this jurisdiction the Feb- 
ruary following, and soon after their departure, intelli- 
gence coming from Barbadoes of a proclamation for the 
apprehending the said persons, a warrant was issued out, 
by order of the council, to search for and apprehend 


them, if found in our jurisdiction ; about two months af-r 
ter, a warrant from his majesty was brought to the late 
governour, who despatched the same by Mr. Kellond 
and Mr. Kirk to Connecticut and New Haven, wherea- 
bouts they were reported to be, an account whereof hath 
already been given to his majesty. 

EDW : RAWSON, Sec'ry. 
10th of May, 1665. 

Here follows a copy of a petition by Gorton and his 
company to the king's commissioners. 

To the High and Honourable Court of Commissioners, 
appointed by the king's majesty, as the supreme au- 
thority in these parts of America, called New England, 
with other places adjacent. 

The humble petition of Samuel Gorton, Randall Holden, 
John Wickes, and John Green, in the behalf of them- 
selves and others of the town of Warwick, humbly 

That whereas your humble petitioners have been 
evilly intreated by divers of our countrymen in these 
parts, more especially by them of the Massachusetts, 
without any fault of ours, that we know, or can be made 
to appear, only they took offence, that we could not close 
with them in their church orders, neither could we ap- 
prove of their civil course, in divers respects, as to exe- 
cute the laws in their own names, not expressing the 
name and authority of the king; also swearing men to 
fidelity in like sort, not admitting of appeals to his majes- 
ty in any case, and exercising their power beyond their 
jurisdiction and bounds, whereunto the king had limited 
them, as sole lords of the whole country ; your humble 
petitioners, having removed themselves out of all their 
jurisdiction, by purchasing a tract of land, where now we 
live. When they had preached us in their pulpits to be 
gross heretics, and men not worthy to live upon the earth, 


to prepare their people to judge us worthy of death, then 
they sent out against us one Captain George Cook, and 
his Lieutenant Humphrey Atherton, commissionated with 
a band of soldiers, that if we would not relinquish our 
religion, which we had learned in our constant frequent- 
ing the publick assemblies in our native country, or else 
to put us to the sword, whom your petitioners for a time 
resisted only defensively. At the last, upon honourable 
terms, we concluded to go with them into the Massachu- 
setts, to see what all the country could alledge against us, 
at their General Court, which was then in being. But 
their captain, being entertained in a way of friendship, 
with his lieutenant and soldiers, into our hold, when 
they saw how few men we were, falsifying their cov- 
enant, they seized upon us as captives, and carried us all 
as slaves into the Massachusetts ; and when we came be- 
fore the governour, Mr. Winthrop, we told him how the 
captain had wronged us, he answered, whatever the captain 
said, it was his intent to have us captives, and thereupon 
sent us to the common jail, where we lived of our own 
charge, as long as what money we had lasted, and then 
were put to grind at the mill (prepared in the prison for 
that purpose) for the prison's poor allowance. And when 
they had tried us upon life and death, denying our ap- 
peal to the king, and could find nothing wherein we were 
guilty, and that in a private court, where none was per- 
mitted to hear, but magistrates and ministers, who before 
had resolved upon our death, in case we would not falsi- 
fy our faith to God and the king. And when they had 
put it to the major vote, whether your petitioners should 
live or die, our lives escaping by two votes, then they 
confined us to several places in the colony, where the 
magistrates lived, with charge not to speak of any thing, 
about which we had been tried, unless to some elder, or 
one licensed under a magistrate's hand to discourse with 
us, and to keep our confinement and this charge under 
pain of death, the contrary proved before a magistrate, 
we were to die without further trial, putting bolts and 
chains upon us, and to work for our living, and so we 
continued a whole winter season. Afterwards they releas- 
ed us by banishment out of all their jurisdiction, and from 



our own lands lawfully purchased, where now we live, 
and that upon pain of death. The number of great cattle, 
which they took from us, was about four score head, 
which, upon rational account, according to ordinary in- 
crease since that time, will amount to divers thousands 
of pounds, as hath been tried in a small parcel, private- 
ly taken at that time, by some of their subjects in this 
colony, without any commission from them, and were 
accordingly cast at law, upon the ground of common 
increase. The rest of our cattle they lived upon in the 
time of their besieging of us, having many of their In- 
dians joined with them against us, leaving our houses and 
necessaries in them, as pillage for their subjects, both In- 
dians and English, in this colony, whom they had drawn 
away from their Narraganset sachems, and this govern- 
ment, to become their subjects, and instruments to work 
their wills upon us, and under the fallacy and irregularity 
of the subjection of these revolting people, they have 
maintained the Indians upon our lands to this day, plant- 
ing our best ground, burning up our wood, killing our 
cattle, pilfering and purloining our goods, breaking open 
our houses, offering violence to the inhabitants, resisting 
the king's officers, violently and riotously, and we can 
have no redress, although it be contrary to order given 
concerning us by the lords and commons, in the High 
Court of Parliament, to all the colonies and governments 
about us, which orders your petitioners have to show. 
Your petitioners therefore humbly pray, that you will 
please to take our distresses into your honors breasts, 
so as some speedy course may be taken for redress, and 
that some responsible and correspondent satisfaction may 
be made, as your honors shall think meet and convenient, 
according to the rules of justice and equity ; and your 
petitioners shall become most humble and earnest suit- 
ors and petitioners to Almighty God, on your behalf, as 
long as we are. 

March 4th, 1664—65. JOHN GREENE. 



In answer to your paper, No. 11, about the act 
of navigation, &c, The act for trade hath for some years? 
been observed here, as our orders will declare, but con- 
ceive we have been misrepresented to his majesty, being 
not conscious to ourselves, that we have greatly violated 
the same, neither know we any law of ours against it ; 
such as appeared so to be we repealed, as you may find 
in our law book sent unto you. For that instance given, 
wherein w T e are charged with injustice towards Mr. 
Thomas Deane and others, when the ship Charles, of 
Oleron, came (as is said) into the port of Boston, we cannot 
but believe, but that you will find it otherwise, when you 
have an account of our proceedings in that case, which 
we have ordered the secretary to present unto you ; 
neither do we know that justice (according to a due form 
of law,) was denied him, or any other, or that any in 
authority here discountenanced or reproached him, or 
any of his partakers, for their proceedings in that cause. 


A copy of the Court's answer to the 12th instruction. 


The frame of our constitution is contained in 
our patent, whereunto we have endeavoured to conform 
ourselves, consisting of governour, deputy governour, 
assistants and freemen, by whom all our civil polity is 
administered, the freemen, upon the day of election ap- 
pointed by patent, constantly choosing the governour, 
deputy governour, assistants and general officers, and by 
their deputies (themselves being too numerous) agreeing 
to all orders and constitutions for the well ordering of 
our affairs here, as may appear by our printed orders. 
For the carrying on of the said government, and other ac- 
cidental charges, together with the maintenance of a garri- 
son in the castle, and an annuity of one hundred pounds per 
annum to the president of the college, some charge for the 


encouragement of military exercises, and the destruction 
of wolves, there is levied by way of tax upon the 
inhabitants, and by other impositions vii. s. ex modis 
about twelve hundred pounds yearly. For our ecclesi- 
astical constitutions we have never imposed by civil au- 
thority, but attendance upon publick worship upon the 
Lord's day, or days occasionally appointed. The people 
here (from whom the maintenance of the ministers, and 
the charge of erecting the places of publick worship, must 
and doth arise,) have the liberty of calling and choosing 
their own ministers, whose administrations are publickly 
known, and we hope generally consonant to the word of 
God, and primitive practice, and if any deviate from the 
same, we acknowledge, and have made use of the help 
of a synod, and the civil authority to regulate in such 

Our militia is ordered into three regiments of foot, 
(besides some supernumerary companies) under three 
majors, and one major general, together with our troops, 
consisting of about 4000 foot and 400 horse, though pos- 
sibly more may be in the lists (our orders requiring all 
men to be armed and listed) yet allowance must be made 
for aged and infirm persons. 

We have upon the channel, entering the harbour at 
Boston, a fort or keep, with a battery of 5 or 6 guns, and 
in the said harbour, two batteries at Boston, for the de- 
fence of the harbour, and one at Charlestown, command- 
ing the minor part of the road. The number of our 
ships and vessels, according to our best information may 
be about 80, from 20 tons to 40 ; and from 40 tons to 
100, about 40 sail, and of ships about 100 tons, about a 
dozen. By the Court, 


Boston, May 12, 1665. 


In answer to your paper, No. 9, touching his 
majesty's letter, dated 28th June, 1662 : this court hath 
endeavoured formerly to satisfy his majesty's expecta- 


tions therein, as may appear by our applications to him, 
and the making and executing some laws and orders, 
referring thereto, but yet, that our readiness may further 
be manifested to satisfy his majesty, whose grace and fa- 
vour we highly prize, and whom to offend we hope shall 
never justly be imputed to us, we shall further say to the 
particulars of that letter, as followeth. 

Touching the oath of allegiance, the declaration of this 
Court, published in August last, in these words, to wit ; 
This Court doth express and declare, that it is their re- 
solution, God assisting, to bear faith and true allegiance 
to his majesty, and to adhere to their patent, the duties 
and privileges thereof, &c. will be a witness against 
us, should we be found to act contrary thereunto ; and 
as for many of those persons, now in publick trust, as 
also a great part of the people here, they took the same 
at their coming from our dear native country, and as at 
the first constitution of this government, according to his 
majesty's charter, it was then observed and administered 
by one of the then masters of the chancery to Mr. Mat- 
thew Craddocke, the first governour of this plantation ; 
so we have ordered, that for the future, the same practice 
be observed in the administration of oaths to such as are 
admitted to the freedom of this country, or employed in 
publick trust, and to all other householders, who have not 
taken it already. 

Concerning the use of the common prayer book, and 
ecclesiastical privileges ; our humble addresses to his 
majesty have fully declared our main ends, in our being 
voluntary exiles from our dear native country, which we 
had not chosen at so dear a rate, could we have seen the 
word of God warranting us to perform our devotions in 
that way ; and to have the same set up here, we conceive 
it is apparent, that it will disturb our peace in our present 
enjoyments ; and we have commended to the ministry 
and people here the word of the Lord for their rule there- 
in, as you may find by your perusal of our law book — title 
ecclesiastical, page 25. 

11 VOL. VIII. 


For administration of justice in the king's name, it is. 
and hath been, for some time past, constantly practised. 
By the Court, EDW : RAWSON, Sechy. 

Boston, 16th of May, 1665. 

Here follows a copy of the oath of allegiance. 

It is ordered by this Court, and the authority there- 
of, that the following oath be annexed unto the oaths of 
every freeman, and oath of fidelity, and to the governour, 
deputy governour, and assistants, and to all other publick 
officers, as followeth ; The oath of freemen and fidelity 
to run thus ; Whereas I, A. B. am an inhabitant within 
this jurisdiction, considering how I stand obliged to the 
king's majesty, his heirs and successors by our charter, 
and the government established thereby, do swear ac- 
cordingly, by the great and dreadful name of the ever 
living God, that I will bear faith and true allegiance to 
our sovereign lord the king, his heirs and successors, 
and so proceed, as in the printed oaths of freemen and 

The oath of the governour, deputy governour, assist- 
ants and other publick officers, to run thus ; Whereas I, 
A. B. am chosen governour, &c. considering how I stand 
obliged to the king's majesty, his heirs and successors, by 
our charter, and the government here established there- 
by, do swear, &c. as above. 

By the Court, EDW : RAWSON, Sec'ry. 

May 16th, 1665. 

Given in by his majesty's commissioners to the Court, 
18. 3. 1665. * 


In reply to your answer to his majesty's instruc- 
tions, No. 7, 8, 

We are heartily sorry to find, that, by some evil per- 
suasions, you have put a greater value upon your own 
conceptions than upon the wisdom of his majesty and 
council, which argues either an unreasonable jealousy 


and distrust of his majesty's so often repeated graces and 
favours, intended towards his subjects here, or that his 
majesty is not a competent interpreter of your charter. 

His majesty sent us with commission to sit as a court 
of appeals, in these his majesty's dominions ; but we 
are told, that the inviolable observation of your charter 
seems inconsistent with our hearing and determining 
complaints and appeals. Whereupon we have thought it 
necessary to reduce all the discourse hereof into one ques- 
tion, whereunto we expect your positive answer, which 
we shall faithfully report to his majesty, whether you do 
acknowledge his majesty's commission, wherein we are 
nominated commissioners, to be of full force to all the 
intents and purposes therein contained. 

May 18, 1665. SAMUEL MAVERICK. 

To the General Court of his majesty's colony of the 


We wonder this Court should allege their ap- 
plications to the king, to prove their endeavours to sat- 
isfy his majesty's most just expectations, since his 
majesty, in his letter, dated April 23, 1664, speaking 
of one of your own applications in answer to his letter 
of June 28, 1662, hath these words, "of which we shall 
only say, that the same did not answer our expectations, 
nor the professions made by your messengers ; but we 
make no doubt but that when our commissioners shall 
confer at large with you upon those particulars, you will 
give us satisfaction in all we look for at your hands, 
which is nothing but what your charter obligeth you to, 
and'which is most necessary for the support of govern- 
ment there ;" and in another of your applications, you 
were so far from endeavouring to give his majesty satis- 
faction in observing those things he enjoins, and which, 
by your charter, you ought to observe, (if you will allow 
him to be judge) that you complain of his majesty for 


enjojning them, anp 1 far the ecmimission by which he 
hftth sent us to you, as appears by Mr. Secretary Mor- 
rice his Jetter, dated Feb. %% 1664? and by a letter 
ffpm tjie lord chancellor to us, dated Mqxch 15? 1664, 
which says thus. 

" I fipd by an address we have lately received from 
Boston* that the governour and council there, are not at 
al} pleased with your commission, and that they will 
needs believe all their privileges are to be destroyed ; 
but I suppose they are better informed since, and that 
tjjp answer they have received from the king to their 
address will dispose them to abetter temper." 

You profess you highly prize the king's favour, and the 
offending him shall never be imputed to you ; and yet 
in the same paper, you refuse to do what the king re- 
quires should be done : That all, that come into this 
colony to dwell, should take the oath of allegiance here, 
your charter commands it ; yet you make provisos, not 
therein expressed ; and, in short, would curtail the oath, 
as you do allegiance, refusing to obey the king. It is 
your duty to administer justice in the king's name, and 
the king acknowledgeth, in his letter of April 23, that it 
is his duty to see that justice be administered by you to 
hfe subjects here, and yet you will not give him leave to 
examine it by us. 

The end of the first planters coming hither was (as 
was expressed in your address, 1660,) the enjoyment of 
the liberty of your own consciences, which the king is 
so far frorii taking away from you, that by every occa- 
sion he hath promised and assured the full enjoyment of 
it to you ; we therefore admire, that you should deny the 
liberty of conscience to any, especially where the king 
requires it; and that upon a vain conceit of your own, 
that it will disturb your enjoyments, which the king often 
hath said it shall not. 

You haye so tendered the king's qualifications (as in 
making him only, whp pays ten shillings to a single rate, 
to be of competent estate) that when the king shall be 
informed, as the truth is, that not one English member in 
a hundred pays so much* and that, in a town of a hundred 


inhabitants, scarce three such men are to be found, we 
fear the king will rather find himself deluded, than satis- 
fied by your late act. 

Though you commend to the ministers and people 
the word of the Lord for their rule, yet you did it with a 
proviso* that they have the approbation of the Court, as 
appears in the same page ; and we have great reason 
both to think and say, that the king and his council and 
the church of England understands and follows the 
rules in God's word as much as this corporation. 
These answers are so far from being probable to satisfy 
the king's expectation, that we fear they will highly 
offend him. Abuse not the king's clemency too much. 
Remember that when the king had well weighed all the 
expressions in your last petition, and the temper and 
frame of those that framed it, though he would not im- 
pute it to the colony, yet he was not pleased with it, it 
will be well worth ynur pains to prevent the king from 
judging these answers to be made by the contrivers of 
that, which will best be done by an ingenious and free 
consent unto what the king desires. 

May 18, 1665. SAMUEL MAVERICK. 

To the General Court of his majesty's colony of the 

18th of May, 1665. Col. Ri : Nicholls, Sir Robert 
Carr and Mr. Samuel Maverick came into the Court ? 
and gave in their sense of the Court's answer to the king's 
instructions, and their proposals made thereupon. 

Col. Nicholls began in this manner. 


We have received from the Court several pa- 
pers, iij answer to what you received from us, two where- 
of we shall -now discourse a little upon. 

1. That of his majesty's letter, June 28, 1662, in 
which are contained five points, and do find but one an- 


swered, so as will give his majesty any manner of satis- 

1. Touching the oath of allegiance, which is exactly 
prescribed in your charter, and no faithful subject will 
make it less than according to the law of England. The 
oath, mentioned by you, was taken by Mr. Matthew 
Craddocke, as governour, which hath a part of the oath 
of allegiance put into it, and ought to be taken in that 
name by all in publick office ; also, in another part of the 
charter, it is expressly spoken of the oath of allegiance ; 
and how any man can make that in fewer words than the 
law of England enjoins, I know not how it can be ac- 
ceptable to his majesty . I hope the governour will show 
that fair example to begin it first. I am sure his majesty 
expects it from him, and from all that bear office. 

2. For the use of the common prayer book ; his 
majesty doth not impose the use of the common prayer 
book on any, but he understands that liberty of conscience 
comprehends every man's conscience, as well as any par- 
ticular, and thinks that all his subjects should have equal 
right ; and in his letter of June 28, he requires and 
charges all his subjects should have equally an allowance 
thereof; he puts no man upon it ; but why you should 
put that restraint on his majesty's subjects, that live 
under his obedience, his majesty doth not understand 
that you have any such privileges. I ought to take a 
little notice, before I go further, that all the first part of 
his majesty's letter, June 28, are expressions of love to 
this colony ; and he puts in this as a proviso, that you 
render yourselves, as loyal subjects, which is not dis- 
puting an inch, as if you were gaining ground on his 
majesty ; and he will not suffer himself to be abused in 
his wisdom or power. 

And here he read the words of the letter, concerning 
that matter, so that you cannot expect, that his majesty 
did make all these fair proffers of future emendation, 
but he expects, that in return of that, that you should 
not only give him obedience, but that it should be done 
cheerfully. And as his majesty doth begin with a great 
deal of assurance and confidence, that you will be loyal 


subjects, so he doth conclude with the same, that you will 
merit his love and favour by your duty and obedience. 
In the sixth clause of his majesty's letter of the 23d of 
April, he requires, that where any thing of his letter, June 
28th, hath not been practised, that we see the same be 
effected ; and accordingly we have propounded it to you, 
but have not received any satisfaction, after that his ma- 
jesty's letters have been with you two years. 

3. Touching civil liberties to elect, or be elected to 
civil offices, I would understand what is meant by this 
word being orderly evidenced to us. I may misinterpret 
the word, and therefore I desire, that any penman of it 
would interpret it. I conceive his majesty's intentions 
are manifest. Plainly we shall give in our opinions of it ; 
and if we have not further satisfaction, we shall make re- 
port to his majesty ; viz. that that which you have acted, 
is but an evasion and frustrating of his majesty's intents. 

4. Concerning ecclesiastical privileges ; I suppose 
you mean the sacraments, baptisms, &c. You say, we 
have commended the word of the Lord for our rule there- 
in, referring us to the perusal of the printed laws, page 
25, we have perused that law, and find, that that law do 
cut off those privileges, which his majesty will have? and 
see that the rest of his subjects have. 

And having thus far expressed himself, he delivered in 
that writing to be read and considered of by the Court, 
as is entered, page 107.* After that writing was read, 
Col. Nicholls again stood up, and proceeded to express- 
himself as followeth. 

We have also brought a reply to your answer to the 
7. 8. instructions, wherein we see you insist still on that 
observation of your own, which his majesty gives a check 
to you for, in Mr. Secretary Morrice's letter, which 
ought to be read over more than once, wherein you see 
his majesty is highly displeased, that any such persons 
should bear authority here, that do preserve a jealousy 
between him and his people, and a misinterpretation of 
that grace and favour of his majesty toward you. I de- 
sire, that you will take Secretary Morrice's letter into 

* Page 75 of this volume. — Ed. 


your more serious consideration, that we maty have a bet- 
ter answer to that, than hitherto we hate received. 

And then he delivered a writing to the secretary td be 
read in court. You may see a copy of itj page 1 05.* 
The which writing being read, he proceeded in his 
speech, as followeth ; viz. 

The king will not suffer himself to be deluded* nor his 
counsels to be frustrated ; and I hope you will find better 
counsels about you, and tell us plainly and truly whether 
you will submit to that commission, without any shuf- 
fling. Otherwise, I must say openly and freely to you, 
when his majesty's [commissioners] have not that power, 
that his commission may not bear authority here, it is 
time for us to be gone out of the country ; and for that 
clause of imparting, we like not. We are a court by his 
majesty's authority, or else we have nothing to do in the 
country. We shall leave his majesty to speak in htg own 
language to you afterwards. 

Here follows the Court's answer to the two replies* 
made by the commissioners, delivered to them May 
20th, 1665. 


We have perused your reply to our answer of 
yours, No. 7, 8, and why you should put us on the re- 
solve of such a question, we see not the grounds thereof. 
We have vonly pleaded his majesty's royal charter granted 
to us, which we have reason to hope will be acceptable 
to his majesty, it being his special charge to yourselves 
not to disturb us therein. Your proposal to that instruc- 
tion for us to answer to complaints, whereof you say you 
have had many against us, was the occasion of our reply 
to yourselves, signifying that we apprehended our char- 
ter to be infringed by your proceedings. But we again 
do tender you, that if you see meet to mform us of any 
particular one, or more, that you are unsatisfied in, we 
are ready to give you ah account of our proceedings 

* Page 74 of this volume.— Ed. 


therein, whereby you may be enabled truly to represent 
both our persons and actions to his majesty. 

Gentlemen, To make it appear, that we do not only 
profess, but are ready to make good our profession by 
our practice, not shortening that allegiance we owe unto 
his majesty, for the deciding of which controversy we 
shall forthwith order the taking the oath of allegiance, 
according as the charter commands. 

By the Court, EDWARD RAWSON, Sec'ry. 

Boston, May 19th, 1665. 

To the Honourable Colonel Richard Nicholls, and the 
rest of his majesty's commissioners. 


His majesty's most gracious letters, especially 
the last, by Mr. Secretary Morrice, have so abundantly 
answered all, that you have pleaded, or can plead for 
your charter, or against our commission, that we have 
most just grounds to insist upon the former question, 
and therefore we are necessiiated to declare once more 
to you, that your positive answer thereto ought to be had, 
before we proceed to act according to the virtue of his 
majesty's commission. 

May 20th, 1665. 

To the General Court of his majesty's colony of the 


Touching the letter, received from the hon- 
ourable secretary, Sir William Morrice, this Court have 
considered it, and do intend to return an answer thereto. 
We humbly conceive it is beyond our line, to declare 
our sense of the power, intent or purpose of your com- 
mission ; it is enough for us to acquaint you, what we 

12 VOL. VIII. 


conceive is granted to us by his majesty's royal charter. 
If you rest not satisfied with our former answer, it is our 
trouble, but we hope it is not our fault. It is known to 
him, that knows all things, that it is our desire, and hath 
been our endeavour, according to our best understand- 
ing, to give his majesty and yourselves all due satisfac- 
tion, saving only our duty to God, and the privilege of 
our charter, so dearly purchased, so long enjoyed, and 
so graciously confirmed by his majesty. 
By order of the Court, 

EDW : RAWSON; Sec'ry. 
22d of May, 1665. 

These are in his majesty's name, and by virtue 
of his commission, under his great seal of England, 
to require you, Joshua Scottow, merchant, to be at Cap- 
tain Breedon's house in Boston, by nine of the clock in 
the morning, tomorrow, being Wednesday, May 24th, to 
answer before us, his majesty's commissioners, to such 
charge, as is laid against you by Mr. Thomas Deane and 
others. — Given under our hands, at Boston, in New- 
England, May the 23d, 1665. 


To Joshua Scottow, merchant, in Boston. 

Here follows a copy of the commissioners' [answer] 
to the Court's reply. 

In answer to yours of the 22d of May. 


1. We hold ourselves obliged in duty to his 
majesty, and out of a singular good affection to the wel- 


fare of this his majesty's colony, to declare to this Court, 
that his majesty will have just cause to manifest his dis- 
pleasure against the contrivers of such dilatory answers, 
from whom his majesty doth expect a more cheerful 
obedience in dutiful performances. The little success of 
your late address might discourage you from a second, 
especially when you find his majesty so highly concerned 
for his prerogative, which he cannot be supposed to have 
parted withal, by any privileges, or immunities, granted 
in your charter ; neither ought any of his good subjects 
to misrepresent his majesty's determinations of maintain- 
ing you in them. 

2. Since you are pleased, after some day's debate and 
delay, to return us a more dubious answer than your for- 
mer to the question propounded by us, whether you do 
acknowledge his majesty's commission, wherein we are 
nominated commissioners, to be of full force to all the 
intents and purposes therein contained, that we may dis- 
charge our duties to his majesty, and the trust reposed in 
us, with faithfulness and integrity, we shall tomorrow, at 
nine of the clock in the morning, at the house of Captain 
Thomas Breedon, sit as his majesty's commissioners, to 
hear and determine the cause of Mr. Thomas Deane and 
others, plfs. against the governour and company, and 
Joshua Scottow, merchant, defts. for injustice done Mr. 
Deane and others, when the Charles, of Oleron, came in- 
to this port, whereof we thought fit to give you this no- 
tice, that the governour and company is complained of, 
and that we do expect you will, by your attorney, answer- 
to the complaint. 

3. Lastly, and in your own words, it is known to him, 
that knoweth all things, that it is our desire, and hath 
been our endeavour, according to our best understand- 
ing, and with all openness of heart, to give yourselves all 
due satisfaction, and therefore you might well have spared 
that salvo of your duty to God, and the privileges of your 
charter, whereby you would mysteriously insinuate, that 
all your liberties, civil and ecclesiastical, were intended 
to be violated ; which is so high an imputation to his 
majesty, (who hath so fully declared the contrary) that it 


ought not to be believed nor imagined by his good sub- 

May 23, 1665. SAMUEL MAVERICK. 

To the General Court of his majesty's colony of the 

The famous declaration by the General Court, publish- 
ed by sound of trumpet, in defiance of the proceedings of 
the royal commissioners, beginning on page 128 of this 
MS. might be called the thirteenth piece, but as it is con- 
tained in the invaluable History of Hutchinson, I. vol. 225 
to 227 of ed. 3, it needs not to be here inserted, nor the 
answer which followed. 

Proposals for amendment of our laws, suggested by 
the commissioners, nowhere appearing in print, are here 
given as 

Document No. XV. 

Upon perusal of the book, entitled the Book of the 
General Laws and Liberties concerning the Inhabitants 
of the Massachusetts, we find just reason to propose, in 
his majesty's name, that these ensuing alterations and 
necessary additions be made. 

First ; that his majesty be declared (in the title of the 
book) to be the fountain, whence his colony of the Mas- 
sachusetts derive their laws and liberties, by a charter, 
bearing date, &c. 

That a law be made, that all writs, arrests, acts or 
forms of justice whatsoever, be issued and performed 
in his majesty's name. 

That his majesty's arms be set up in every court of 
justice within this colony, and that all the masters of ves- 
sels, and captains of foot companies do carry the true 


colours of England, by which they may be known to be 
his majesty's legitimate subjects. 

That in the 12th capital law, if any conspire, &c. 
against our commonwealth, commonwealth may be ex- 
punged, and against the peace of his majesty's colony be 
inserted, instead of the other. 

That in page 21, title courts, it may be expressed, that 
the General Court, &c. is the chief civil power of this 
colony, (not commonwealth) under his majesty. 

That in page 22, the 2d part of section 4th, about any 
.publick message or negociation, be explained in proper 
terms, beseeming one of his majesty's colonies. 

That in page 27, title ecclesiastical, the first proviso 
extend no further than these words, unless they shall ac- 
quaint the magistrates where they intend to join, the rest 
to be left out, and the second section be wholly left out. 

That in the 13th section, title constant preachers be 
without offence, the phrase of counsel of state may be al- 
tered, and care taken that the law be not a prejudice to 
those that are ministers according to the church of Eng- 

That in page 28, the latter part of section 14th, by 
open renouncing their church estate, &c. or upon some 
other such groundless conceit, to be left out, for those 
who return to the church of England ought not to pay 
a fine for so doing. 

That in the 15th section, there ought to be inserted 
and ordained to be kept the 5th of November, and the 
29th of May, as days of thanksgiving ; the first, for the 
miraculous preservation of our king and country from 
the gunpowder treason ; the second, for his majesty's 
birth, miraculous and happy restoration to his crown, up- 
on the same day ; as also, the 30th of January, a day of 
fasting and praying, that God would please to avert his 
judgments from our nation for that most barbarous and 
execrable murder of our late sovereign, Charles the first ; 
and that the latter part of that section, shall forfeit for his 
absence from every such meeting 5s, may be left out. 
or provided that it may not be prejudicial to any person, 
who is a member of the church of England, and duly at- 
tends to God's service accordingly. 


That page 30, it be considered escheats are only due 
to his majesty, who can dispose of them to whom he 

We are satisfied with repealing the law, whose title is 
fishermen, the first section. 

That page 33, none be admitted freemen, but such as 
are members of some of the churches within the limits 
of this jurisdiction, may be explained, and comprehend 
such as are members of the church of England. 

That page the same, the penalty for keeping Christmas, 
being directly against the law of England, may be re-* 

That page 34, heresy and error ought to be declared 
with more caution, and a salvo to the church of England, 
and the members thereof; and that that clause in the said 
law, their lawful authority to make war, be meant only of 
the king's ; for this colony hath only power, for their spe- 
cial defence and safety, to make defensive war, by their 

That page 36, section 9th, the law against Quakers 
may be so restrained, that they may quietly pass about 
their lawful occasions, though in other cases they be 

That page 38, title Jesuits, the state of England or our- 
selves be expunged, and in amity with his majesty be in- 

That page 40, the law for settling the Indians' title to 
land may be explained, for it seems as if they were dis- 
possessed of their land by scripture, which is both against 
the honour of God, and the justice of the king. Yet in 
Gen. i. 28, subdue the earth, is but equivalent to have 
dominion over the fish of the sea ; in Gen. ix. 1, replen- 
ish relates to generation, not husbandry. In 115th 
Psalm, 16, children of men comprehends Indians, as well 
as English ; and no doubt the country is theirs till they 
give it or sell it, though it be not improved. 

That page 59, the committee to press soldiers, care be 
taken that his majesty's authority be not hereby less'ened, 
but that his warrant or command may be obeyed here, as 
in all other his dominions. 


That page 61, title money, the law that a mint house, 
&c. be repealed ; for coining is royal prerogative, for the 
usurping of which the act of indemnity only is a salvo. 

That page 66, in the title to the law, powder, the gov- 
ernment of England may be changed into his majesty, or 
the preface left out. 

We are satisfied, that the 2d section, title ships, being 
against the act of navigation, is repealed. 

That page 73, title strangers to be succoured, that law 
comprehend not such as fly from his majesty's justice in 

There is no power in the charter to incorporate with 
other colonies, nor to exercise any power by that associa- 
tion ; both belongs to the king's prerogative. 

If there be any other indecent expressions, and repeti- 
tions of the word commonwealth, state, and the like, in 
other pages, we desire they may be changed. 

May 24th, 1665. SAMUEL MAVERICK. 

To the General Court of his majesty's colony of the 

From page 145 to page 168, the contents seem suffi- 
ciently important to deserve greater diffusion than they 
have ever yet obtained, and may here be printed as 

Document No, XVI. 


We have herewith sent you a map of the lands 
we conceive to be granted us by our charter ; our south- 
erly limits are uncontro verted, (as far as we know) and 
as yourselves are pleased to express. Some pretences 
and claims we know are made against our northerly line, 
in relation whereto we shall be ready, whenever you 
please, by writing or conference with yourselves, and oth 


er gentlemen concerned therein, to declare the grounds 
and reasons of our claim, and of our exercise of govern- 
ment there for so many years past, to the end you may 
be enabled to satisfy his majesty of the true state of the 
controversy, if no other expedient be found to mutual 

By order of the Court, 
Dated 24, 3, '65. THOMAS DANFORTH. 

For the Honourable Colonel Richard Nicholls, and the 
rest of his majesty's honourable commissioners. 

26, 3, 1665. The governour, Mr. Bellingham, Mr. 
Willoughby, deputy governour, Mr. Bradstreet, Mr. 
Simons, Captain Gookin, Major Willard, Mr. Russell, 
Major Hawthorne, Major Leverett, Major Lusher, 
Thomas Danforth, took the oath of allegiance in court, 
as it is in Dalton's Justice of the Peace ; they declaring, 
that the same is to be understood not infringing the lib- 
erties of the patent. 

Whereas his majesty's honourable commissioners 
have informed this Court, that Mr. Thomas Deane hath 
exhibited a complaint to his majesty of some injustice 
done to him and other his majesty's subjects, who joined 
with him in endeavouring to procure the execution of 
the act of Parliament, when the Charles, of Oleron, came 
into this port of Boston, about the year 1661, and that, in 
the carriage thereof, they did not receive the countenance 
of some, who were then in authority, as they ought to 
do, and were in plain terms denied justice, even with re- 
proaches for requiring the same ; in reference whereto, his 
majesty hath manifested his will and pleasure, that his 
above said commissioners should examine the whole 
proceedings in that cause and that upon full deliberation 
and examination thereof, they cause justice to be done, 
and such reparation to be given to the said Mr. Thomas 
Deane, and the rest who joined with him in the prosecu- 


tion of that business, as upon the merits of the cause, and 
by virtue of the said act of Parliament they ought to re- 

This Court do therefore order, that warrant be issu- 
ed forth by the secretary, to summon the above said Mr. 
Thomas Deane to appear before the Court now sitting, 
on the morrow morning, at nine of the clock, to make 
out the truth of his complaint, and the grounds thereof; 
and that his majesty's honourable commissioners have 
notice given them by the secretary hereof, that so, accord- 
ing to his majesty's command to them, they may under- 
stand the grounds of the said complaint, and justice shall 
be done accordingly. 

By order of the Court, 

EDW : RAWSON, Sec'ry. 

May 26, 1665. 

For the Honourable Colonel R. Nicholls, and the rest 
of his majesty's commissioners. 

To Thomas Deane, of Boston, merchant, and also to 
Thomas Kellond, of said Boston, merchant, and such 
other as are concerned with them. 

You are required in his majesty's name to make your 
personal appearance before the (general Court, now sitting 
at Boston, at nine of the clock, on 27th of this instant 
May, to prosecute and make out the truth of your com- 
plaints, and the grounds thereof, in relation to the ship 
Charles, of Oleron, that so justice may be done you 
therein. Hereof not to fail. Dated at Boston, 26th of 
May, 1665. By order of the Court, 

EDW : RAWSON, Sec'ry. 


After your interruption of our intentions to 
have proceeded in the case of Mr. Thomas Deane, cum 
•sociis, according to his majesty's commission, and par- 
13 vol. vin. 


ticular instructions therein, which we must conclude to 
be a violation of his majesty's authority to us committed, 
we could not have imagined that you would have assum- 
ed to yourselves the hearing of the same case, wherein 
the governour and company are impleaded, which is an 
unheard of practice, and contrary to all the laws of Chris- 
tendom, that the same persons should be judges and 
parties. We hope you will, upon better consideration, 
alter your resolutions, especially since his majesty hath so 
expressly directed us to examine the whole proceedings 
in that cause, to the end that justice be done ; we do 
therefore, in his majesty's name, declare to the General 
Court, that it is contrary to his majesty's will and pleas- 
ure, that the cause should be examined by any other 
court or persons than ourselves, who are, by his majesty's 
commission, the sole judges thereof, and haye already 
taken the matter into consideration. 

May 26, 1665. 

To the General Court of his majesty's colony of the 

This Court, accounting it their duty, according 
to their poor ability, to acknowledge their humble 
thanks to his majesty for the many and continued ex- 
pressions of his tender care and fatherly respect to this 
his colony, do order, that in the best commodity that 
may be procured in this his colony, meet for transporta- 
tion and accommodation of his majesty's navy, unto the 
value of 500/. the whole charge be forthwith prepared 
and sent by the first opportunity, and the deputy govern- 
our, the major general, Captain Thomas Clarke, Captain 
Corwin, Mr. Usher, Captain Davis, Mr, Hull, and Cap- 
tain Lake, are nominated a committee to procure the 
said commodity, and to take order for the transportation 


thereof, whose engagements shall be discharged by the 
treasurer, out of the next country rate ; and Mr. William 
Browne is joined to the above named committee ; and 
the major part of this committee is enabled to act, as is 
above expressed. By order of the Court. 

25, 3, 1665. E WD ; RA WSON, SecWy. 

Before I take the oath of allegiance to his majesty, 
which I am ready to do, I do declare, that I will be 
so understood, as not to infringe the liberty and privileges, 
granted in his majesty's royal charter to this colony of 
the Massachusetts. THOMAS DANFORTH. 

26, 3, 1665. When the oath was given me, I thus 
openly declared, and a copy hereof is left on file under 
my hand. See page *82, where the commissioners pro- 
pound that a committee might be nominated by the 
Court to confer with them. 

In answer whereto, the Court nominated Mr. Simon 
Bradstreet, Thomas Danforth and Major General Lever- 
ett, Captain Clark, Captain Johnson, Captain Hubbard, 
Mr. Jackson and Captain Waldron, to attend them, who 
attending them 21st of May, 1665. 

Where met, they insisted on our answer to such 
complaints, as were exhibited to them against us ; we 
alleged our charter for exemption from appeals in all 
cases proper to our cognizance, and pleaded that thereby 
we had a sufficient warrant and discharge. Also, we 
pleaded the unreasonableness, and unsufferableness of 
such a burden, if imposed o-n us, to make the whole 
colony to be liable to respond for the maladministration, 
if any happened so to be, by any particular magistrate 
or court ; as also, to cause the whole colony to respond 
every delinquent, that had been here sentenced, for thirty 
years past, when those, that had cognizance thereof, were 
removed by death ; whereto they replied, that we had 
liberty to make laws, and execute them, but that did not 
warrant, nor there was any law repugnant to the law of 
England, or any injustice done by us. 

* Page 64 of this vol 


Our answer thereto was, that if we could be charged 
with bribes or malice in dispensing justice, we would not 
justify the same, but if otherwise, we were excused. 
But they still insisted on our answering to them as a 
court of appeals. On the question put to them, 1. By 
what laws they would proceed in judicature, they answer- 
ed, by the laws of -England. 

2. In what way (i. e.) whether they would have a jury 
to pass on such cases as they heard, they answered, no. 

Also, on the question whether they would take in 
more witnesses than appeared in court on the first hear- 
ing, they answered, yea. 

This conference was before we gave our answer to 
instructions No. 7, 8. 


A brief narrative of the late negociation between his 
majesty's colony of the Massachusetts, and the Honoura- 
ble Colonel Ri : Nicholls, Sir Robert Carr, kt. George 
Cartwright and Samuel Maverick, esquires. 

The General Court of the Massachusetts being assem- 
bled at Boston, the 28th of May, 1664, information was 
given them, that they might suddenly expect the arrival 
of some of his majesty's ships, with commissioners to 
visit his majesty's colonies in these parts of America. 
Upon which intelligence the Court appointed two gentle- 
men, whose habitations are in Boston, (the chief mari- 
time town of the colony) on the arrival of the said com- 
missioners, to wait on them and present them with the 
Court's service and respects, together with such civilities 
as the [country] is capable of. 

July 23, 1664. Col. Ri : Nicholls and George Cart- 
wright, esquire, about five or six of the clock at night, 
arrived at Boston, and in their reception, manifested 
their desires, that the council might, without delay, be 
assembled, which by order from the governour was ac- 
cordingly done, July 26, 1664. The council assembled 
together and courteously entertained his majesty's hon- 
ourable commissioners, who presented the governour and 


council with his majesty's letter to them directed, dated 
April 23, 1664, and their commission under the broad 
seal of England ; with that part of his majesty's instruc- 
tions referring to the reducing of the Dutch at the Man- 
hattoes, true copies whereof are here inserted, in the 
order as they were presented and read before the council, 
23 April, 1664. 

1. His majesty's letter, Charles R. — Trusty and well 
beloved, &c. 

2. His majesty's commission, Charles the second, &c. 

3. The instructions, second part of the king's instruc- 
tions to us, &c. dated July 27, 1664. 

The council, after some deliberation, gave their an- 
swer to the above proposal in writing, a copy whereof 
here followeth. 

Boston, July 27, 1664. In answer to a proposi- 
tion, made by the Honourable Colonel Ri : Nicholls, &c. 

On delivery whereof the commissioners manifested 
themselves not well satisfied with the council's act, and 
informed the governour and council, that there was yet 
many more things, which they had in charge from his 
majesty to signify to them, which work they would 
attend at their return from the Manhattoes ; and com- 
mended to the Court, that in ihe mean time they would 
further consider of his majesty's letter to this colony, 
June 28, 1662, and give a more satisfactory answer ta 
his majesty concerning the same than formerly. 

A copy of which letter here followeth : Trusty and 
well beloved, &c. 

August 3, 1664. The General Court assembled, 
where his majesty's letters, commission and instructions, 
with the proposal thereupon, as before recited, were again 
openly read, and the Court was informed of that, which 
the commissioners signified to the council, relating to 
his majesty's letter, June 28, 1662, all which were at 
large debated by the whole Court ; the result whereof 
was, That this Court doth expressly declare, that it is 
their resolution to bear faith, &c. 


The question being put, &c, — and 2ndly, they resolved 
to assist his majesty in the present expedition to the 
Manhattans by raising 200 volunteers, &c. and proceed- 
ed to nominate and commissionate captains, lieutenants, 
and other officers, ordering the treasurer to disburse 
money out of the publick treasury of the colony for the 
encouragement of the said volunteers, and for their sup- 
ply of victuals and ammunition ; all which, being thus 
agreed upon, the Court despatched away two gentlemen, 
as their messengers to the commissioners, by that time 
supposed to be arrived near to, or before the Manhattoes, 
(in distance from Boston, near, if not altogether 200 
miles) to inform them of the Court's proceedings as to 
their supply, and although there was no order given by 
the commissioners for the soldiers, thus listed, to march 
from Boston, (the Dutch voluntarily surrendering up that 
place on articles agreed upon between them) yet on this 
expedition there was expended out of the publick treasury 
of this colony, for the encouragement of the soldiers 
listed, their maintenance until discharged, and for their 
provisions and ammunition, &c. together with payments 
made to such as were sent with their ships to pilot them 
into that harbour. 

And in reference to his majesty's letter, June 28, 1662, 
the Court, then assembled, passed an order, a copy where- 
of here followeth. In answer to that part of his majesty's 
letter, &c. leaving the other part of the said letter to be 
further considered at the return of the commissioners 
from the Manhattoes. 

And the commissioners, departing from Boston, im- 
mediately before the sitting of the General Court, although 
they left a copy of his majesty's commission with the 
council, yet they were not pleased to present either the 
council or the Court, then met, with a sight of his majes- 
ty's further instructions, directing and limiting them in 
the exercise of their commission in this colony, which, 
with some words and carriages, distasteful to the people, 
falling from some of them, and in particular, Mr. Samuel 
Maverick, on his first arrival in Piscataqua river, menacing 
the constable of Portsmouth, whiles he was in the exer- 


cise of his office, on which the people thought it necessa- 
ry to [apply to] Sir Robert Carr, for a full understanding 
of such motions, who judged it meet to declare, that they 
ought to continue in their obedience to the present govern- 
ment, till they had further orders. These things occasion- 
ed in the hearts and minds, of the people a deep sense of 
the sad events threatening this colony, in case the com- 
missioners should improve their power in such a manner 
as they feared they would ; on whose general solicitude 
for the preserving of their enjoyments, according to their 
present constitution, granted to this colony by his majes- 
ty's royal charter under the great seal of England, the 
General Court, consisting of governour, deputy govern- 
our, magistrates, and deputies of the several towns, re- 
solved immediately to make their addresses to his majes- 
ty, a copy whereof here followeth. 

To the king's most excellent majesty, &c. 

The Dutch being reduced, as above is expressed, 
Sir Robert Carr, George Cartwright, and Samuel Ma- 
verick, esquires, returned again to Boston, and, on the 
15th of February, 1664, had a meeting with the govern- 
our and several of the magistrates, at the governour's 
house, where they acquainted the governour and magis- 
trates, that they were resolved on the morrow to repair 
to Plymouth, to deliver his majesty's letter, and to com- 
municate his majesty's grace and favour to them ; and 
further signified their desire, that order might be taken 
for all the assembling of all concerned in our charter, at 
the day of our election, that so they might understand 
his majesty's grace and favour towards them ; and that 
at their return, some might be appointed to go along with 
them, to shew them the hounds of our patent ; to the 
latter of which proposals the magistrates manifested a 
ready compliance ; but for the former (i. e.) the assem- 
bling of the people at the day of election, to this it was 
answered, that all were at their liberty to come, if they 
would ; there was no prohibition, nor could they see into 


the reason of such a motion, at least, could not incour- 
age to it, not only for the business of the season, but the 
leaving a considerable part of the people, wives, children 
and aged persons, to the rage of the natives, that might 
lay hold of such an opportunity ; to which Colonel Cart- 
wright replied, that the motion was so reasonable, that he 
that would not attend it, was* a traitor, and before their 
departure, sent their letters into the country, to some non 
freemen, a copy whereof here followeth. 

Sirs, we desire you to acquaint all your neighbours, &c. 

The commissioners, having despatched their occasions 
at Plymouth, passed on to Warwick and to Pettasquam- 
suck, from whence they issued forth sundry warrants and 
declarations, true copies whereof are as followeth. — 
These are in his majesty's name, &c. Dated, March 21, 
1664. Signed at Pattasquamscuck, and directed to Cap- 
tain Prentice, Amos Richards, and Roger Plaisted, also, 
of like terms, the said Plaisted living about 120 miles 
from that place. 

Also, a declaration by them directed to the purchasers 
of the Narraganset country, as followeth. Having receiv- 
ed from some of the principal sachems, &c. Also, ano- 
ther at Warwick, as followeth. We, by the power given 
us, &c. Here also follows a copy of their protection to 
John Porter, Junior. We require you to be at Boston, 
&c. Here followeth a warrant for seizing of Captain 
Gookin's estate. Also a copy of an act passed, referring 
to Pomham and his company, and to Harmon Garrett 
and his company. 

The first writ of Quo Warranto against our ancestors, 
having never appeared in print, though the information, 
on which it issued, and the result of the process, may be 
seen in the admirable Collection of Hutchinson, pp. 101 
— 104, is inserted as 

Document No. XVII. 

Here follows a copy of a Quo Warranto, sent over to 
the country sundry years since. 


CAROLUS Rex. &c. 

To the Sheriffs of London, greeting. 

We command you that you take Henry Rosewell, 
knight, John Young, knight, Ri : Saltonstall, knight, 
John Humphrey, John Endicott, Simon Whitcomb, Sam- 
uel Aldersey, John Ven, George Harwood, Increase Now- 
ell, Richard Perry, Rich. Bellingham, Nathaniel Wright, 
Samuel Vassall, Theophilus Eaton, Thomas Adams, John 
Brown, Samuel Brown, Thomas Hutchins, William Vas- 
sall, William Pinchon, and George Foxcroft, freemen of 
the society of the Massachusetts Bay in New England, 
and others, freemen of Massachusetts Bay in New Eng- 
land, if they shall be found in your bailywick, and them 
to commit to safe custody, so that you have their bodies 
before us, in octav. sn. Mich, wheresoever we shall then 
be in England, to answer us, by what warrant they claim 
to have divers liberties, privileges and franchises, within 
the city of London and the liberties of the same ; where- 
upon they are summoned ; and there you shall have this 

At Westminster, 17th day of June, in the eleventh 
year of our reign. 

Next follows that honorary testimony to our fathers, 
declared by the Parliament in 1642, giving us advantages 
in trade, which is published in most of the volumes that 
treat of our country. With that paper closes the volume, 
as it is paged from the end at which we began. Turn- 
ing the manuscript upside down, we find it commences, 
at the other end, in the midst of a speech, but we are 
unable to compute with certainty what part of the volume 
is lost, as we could before, because the pages are not 
numbered. It seems probable, however, that the first 
article was the speech of Deputy Governour Willough- 
by, or at least this appears to be the earliest of the incom- 
plete part, as, at the close of the speech our MS. proceeds : 

14 VOL. VIII. 


After he had done speaking, Mr. Cobbit went to 
prayer. Mr. Michill concluded with a brief prayer. 

Then follows an account of the assembly of the Gene- 
ral Court, and the cause of it, in 1666. 

11, 7 mo. 1666. The General Court assembled by 
summons from the deputy governour, Francis Wil- 
loughby, Esq. 

On the account of a signification from his majesty, 
requiring the council of this colony to send five able and 
meet persons to make answer for refusing the jurisdiction 
of his commissioners last year ; whereof Mr. Richard 
Bellingham and Mr. Hawthorne to be two of them, whom 
he requires on their allegiance to come by the first op- 
portunity ; — The Court met and agreed to spend the 
forenoon of the next day in prayer. 

12, 7 mo. 1666. The Court met, and sundry elders, 
and spent the forenoon in prayer. 

These prayed, 
Mr. Wilson, 
Mr. Mather, 
Mr. Symmes, 
Mr. Whiting, 
Mr. Cobitt, 
Mr. Mitchel. 

13, 7 mo. 1666. The Court met, and the elders were 
present, after lecture ; and some debate had in Court, 
concerning the duty we owe to his majesty in reference 
to his signification, a copy whereof here folio weth. 

The king's letter of 10 April, 1666, inserted in the 
MS. which occasioned this extraordinary session of the 
Court, is already printed in I. Hutch. Apx. xix. 

The laborious exertions of Hutchinson seem to be less 
successful on this subject than on most others. His re- 
port is exceedingly brief, being contained in only two 


sentences. Hubbard, who seems never to be successful, 
but when he copies, is wholly silent on this occasion, 
which however seems one of the most interesting events 
in the history of New England. 

14th, 7 mo. 1666. The Court assembled. Sundry 
petitions exhibited from 
Boston, 26, 
Salem, 35, 
Ipswich, 73, 
Newbury, 39. 

In the report of the following debate in council, the 
names are given by conjecture, the original having only 
the initial letters. 

Debated as followeth : 

Bellingliam. That some regular way be propounded 
whereby the king's offence taken against us, referring to 
himself, any without us, or among us, may come to a le- 
gal issue. 

Bradstreet. I grant legal process in a course of law 
reach us not in an ordinary course, yet I think his prero- 
gative gives him power to command our appearance, 
which before God and men we are to obey. 

Dudley, The king's commands pass any where ; Ire- 
land, Calais, &c. although ordinary process from judges 
and officers pass not. 

No doubt but you may have a trial at law, when you 
come in England, if you desire it, and you may insist 
upon it and claim it. 

Willoughby. Whether God doth not call us to argue 
one way, as well as another, whether Calais, Dunkirk — 
have not been governed by commission, and if this be 
allowed, how easily may the king in one year undo all 
that he hath done ; and we must as well consider God's 
displeasure as the king's, the interest of ourselves and 
God's things, as his majesty's prerogative : tor our lib- 


erties are of concernment, and to be regarded as to the 
preservation ; for if the king may send for me now, and 
another to-morrow, we are a miserable people. 

Dudley. Prerogative is as necessary as law, and is for 
the good of the whole, that there be always power in be- 
ing to act, and where there is a right of power it will be 
abused, so long as 'tis in the hands of weak men, and the 
less pious, the more apt to miscarry ; but right may not 
be denied because it may be abused. 

Hathorne. This age hath brought forth many treatises 
about prerogative, and do affirm, that prerogative is not 
above law, but limited by it, and the law states in what 
cases prerogative is to take place. 

Stoughton. Corporations in England may lose their 
privileges, but yet not government, because they have 
still the laws of the land for their defence. The king can 
do no wrong, because he acts according to law. 

E . We are called to answer to matter of fact, be- 
fore his personal judgment, and two named, when no 
matter is alledged against them, and 'tis too hard to 
put us in the same condition with Calais ; and if a sum- 
mons, no legal forms, as seal, &c. nor order to issue, 
according to the patent. 

To come to a narrow, what is our privilege and what 
is prerogative ? But what is present duty and safety, all 
duty is regulated, and so our prince legal, and when we 
can't submit actively, we must passively, to God and our 

Bradstreet. Many of them that have estates to send 
to England, are afraid that they will suffer there, if 
nothing be done. I neither knew nor saw any thing 
about the petitions. 

Dudley. If w T e shall refuse to answer here to commis- 
sioners, and in England also, what will the king say ? Is it 
not plain that jurisdiction is denied to his majesty ? 

Though no- appeal lies to his majesty, so to stop jus- 
tice, but it may proceed to the uttermost, yet the king 
may accept any complaint, and require an answer there- 


to, so that our absolute power to determine must not 
abate the king's prerogative. 

After dinner, Mr. Winthrop and Sir Th. Temple 
motioned to the governour and magistrates, ihat there 
might be a joint consideration of an answer to the king's 
letters sent to the colony, concerning invading of the 

Also, Sir Thomas moved, that he might issue out 
commissions from the bay, and that they might be judg- 
ed here by our Court of Admirality. Also, pleaded that 
he had a special grant from his majesty of al prizes ta- 
ken in Nova Scotia, and the privilege of all royalties for 
the maintenance of the place ; pleaded that he was admi- 
ral of all these seas. 

M. L. answered, that we gave commission to infest 
our enemies on the coasts, and it was no matter in what 
coasts the enemy was taken ; they were the king's 

Sir T. T. If Nova Scotia be taken by France, all 
this bay will quickly be blocked up. 

Let me tell you the king looks on this country as a 
formidable place of great wealth and power ; now if the 
king neglect you on the one hand, trusting to your 
strength, and you yourselves on the other, and were the 
king truly informed of the state of thhgs, he would 
neither neglect you nor himself, and if T'acy be settled 
in Nova Scotia, you will find him the worst neighbour 
that ever you had. Therefore take not away that little 
matter of benefit. It must go to the king, and it will be 
some help, tho' little. 

A letter from his majesty, dated 22 February 1665 — 6 5 
signed, Charles R. and a seal, commending to the coun- 
try the opportunity to invade the French at Canada, and 
requiring to publish his declaration of war against the 

A copy hereof follows, 



Trusty and well beloved, we greet you well. 
In former letters we have directed you to put your- 
selves in the best way of defence you could against 
the assaults of the French and Dutch in those parts, and 
for the securing the corning of all ships hither ; towards 
which you may assure yourselves, that we will cooperate 
from home with our accustomed care for the good of our 
subjects. And because the time offers itself more fa- 
vourably now than ever for delivering yourselves from 
those neighbours, we have thought fit to write 
this unto you, to authorise you to apply yourselves with 
all your force and skill to the reducing to our obedience 
all islands and plantations in those parts, belonging to the 
French or Butch nation, and especially that of Canada, 
the effecting of which we must leave to your prudence and 
good conduct, since it is impossible at such a distance to 
instruct you therein ; and that our trusty and well belov- 
ed Sir Thomis Temple, our governour of Nova Scotia, 
may the better correspond with you, and be assistant 
therein, we have by our letters required him thereunto ; 
herewith sending you our declaration of the war against 
France, which you are to publish in the manner you shall 
think fit, taking the substance thereof, and varying the 
form of it according to what hath been used in such 
cases ; and so we bid you farewell. 

Given at our Court at Whitehall, the 22d day of Feb- 
ruary, in the 18th year of our reign, 1665 — 6. 
By his majesty's command. 


and a I seal. I 

Next follows the petition, in which the minority of our 
fathers have exhibited so much good sense and sound 
policy, that, though it be already in print, p. 511 of 
Hutchinson's Collection, vet, as the names of the signers 


from the principal towns are given, it seemed fit to be 
here inserted. 

Boston Petition. 
To the Hond : General Court, now assembled in Boston. 

May it please the Hond : Court. 

Your humble petitioners being informed that let- 
ters are lately sent from his majesty to the governour and 
council, expressive of his ill resentment of the proceed- 
ings of this colony with his commissioners lately sent 
hither, and requiring also some principal persons therein, 
with command upon their allegiance, to attend his majes- 
ty's pleasure in order to a final determination of such 
differences and debates, as have happened between his 
majesty's commissioners and the governour here, and 
which declaration of his majesty, your petitioners, lojk- 
ing at as a matter of the greatest importance, justly calling 
for the most serious consideration, that they might not be 
wanting, either to yourselves in withholding any encou- 
ragement, that their concurrence might afford, in so ardu- 
ous a matter, nor to themselves and the country in being 
involved by their silence in the dangerous mistakes of 
(otherwise well minded) persons inclining to disloyal 
principles ; they desire they may have liberty, without 
offence, to propose some of their thoughts and fears 
about the matter unto your more serious deliberation. 

Your petitioners humbly conceive, that those whG 
live in this age are no less than others concerned in that 
advice of the wise man, to keep the king's commandment, 
because of the oath of God, and not to be hasty to go out 
of his sight that doth whatever pleaseth him, wherefore 
they desire, that seeing his majesty hath already taken no 
little displeasure against us, as if we disowned his majes- 
ty's jurisdiction over us, effectual care may be taken, 
lest by refusing to attend his majesty's order for the 
clearing our pretences unto right and favour in that 
particular, we should plunge ourselves into great disfa- 
vour and danger. The receiving a charter from his 


majesty's royal predecessor for the planting of this colony, 
with a confirmation of the same from his royal person, 
by our late address sufficiently declares this place to be 
part of his dominions, and ourselves his subjects. 
In testimony of which, also, the first governour, 
Mr. Matthew Craddock (as we are informed) stands re- 
corded, juratus de fide et obedientia, before one of the 
masters of chancery ; whence it is evident, that if any 
proceedings of this colony have given occasion to his 
majesty to say, that we believe he hath no jurisdiction 
over us, what effectual course had need be taken to free 
ourselves from the incurring of his majesty's further dis- 
pleasure by continuance in so dangerous an offence ? and 
to £ive his majesty all due satisfaction in that point, such 
an assertion would be no less destructive to our welfare, 
than derogating from his majesty' honour. The doubt- 
ful interpretations of the words of a patent, which there 
car be no reason to hope should ever be construed to the 
divesting of a sovereign prince of his royal power over 
his natural subjects and liege people, is too frail a founda- 
tioi to build such a transcendant immunity and privilege 
upon. Your petitioners shall ever be willing to ac- 
knowledge to the utmost how much they are bound to 
yojrselves, and others in the like capacity, for your abun- 
dant care and pains in carrying on the government of the 
colony, and endeavouring to uphold the liberties thereof; 
and should not be unwilling to run any hazard with you 
for the regular defence and security of the same ; and 
xvould be most unwilling to reflect upon the persons of 
them they so much honour and respect, by an unneces- 
rsary dissenting from them in some things, wherein they 
could not approve the reasons of their proceedings, but 
in matter of so great concernment as is the matter now 
in agitation, wherein the honour of God, and the credit 
of religion, as well as the interest of their own persons 
and estates are all concerned ; they earnestly desire, that 
no part will so irresistibly carry on any design of so dan- 
gerous a consequence, as to necessitate their brethren, 
equally engaged with them in the same undertaking, to 
make their particular address to his majesty, and declara- 


tion to the world, to clear themselves from the least im- 
putation of so scandalous an evil, as the appearance of 
disaffection or disloyalty to the person and government of 
their lawful prince and sovereign would be. 

Wherefore your petitioners do here humbly intreat, 
that if any occasion hath been given to his majesty so to 
resent any former actings, as in his last letter is held 
forth, that nothing of that nature be further proceeded in, 
but contrary wise, that application be made to his majesty 
by meet persons, immediately to be sent for the end, to 
clear the transactions of them that govern this colony 
from any such construction, lest otherwise that which, if 
duly improved, might have been as a cloud of the latter 
rain, be turned into that which, in the conclusion, may be 
found more terrible than the roaring of a lion ; thus crav- 
ing of a favourable interpretation of what is here humbly 
presented, your petitioners shall ever be obliged to thank- 
fulness, <fec. 

John Jolliffe, William Taylor, 

Hab : Glover, John Woodmansey, 

Robert Gibbs, Samuel Bradstreet, 

Thomas Kellond, John Bushnell, 

Bernard Trott. John Conney, 

Antipas Boys, Thomas Breeden, 

Thomas Savage, Sen. Thomas Deane, 

Richard Wharton, Nicholas Page, 

John Winslow, Thomas Brattle, 

John Freake, Simon Lynde, 

Samuel Scarlett, Ephraim Turner, 

James Whitcomb, Richard Patteshall, 

Richard Price, Henry Taylor. 

Salem, Newbury and Ipswich petitions were to the 
same purpose, and same words. Names of Salem peti- 
tioners are these. 

Zerubabel Endicott, William Woodcock, 

Nathaniel Putnam, Bartholomew Gedney, 

John Rucke, JEleazer Gedney, 

15 VOL. VIII. 



Samuel Parr, 
John West, 
Jeffrey Massey, 
John Massey, 
John Putnam, 
Edmund Batter, 
John Gedney, Jun 
Elias Mason, 
Thomas West, 
Richard Waters, 
William Flint, 
John Knight, 
William Lake, 
John Norton, 

Job Hilyard, 
John Ingerson, 
Daniel Rumball, 
Jonathan Ager, 
Jonathan Pickering, 
Richard Hide, 
John Pickering, 
John Buttels, 
Anthony Ashby, 
Isaac Williams, 
Francis Collins, 
Edward Flint, 
William Browne. 

Newbury Petitioners. 

Nicholas Batt, 
James Browne, 
John Atkinson, 
Joshua Browne, 
John Badger, 
Hugh March, 
William Chandler, 
Thomas Parker, 
John Woodbridge, 
William Gerrish, 
Daniel Peirce, 
Richard Lowle, 
Henry Short, 
Benjamin Woodbridge, 
Nathaniel Clark, 
Stephen Jewett, 
James Mirrick, 
Joseph Muzzy, 
James Jackson, 
Thomas Hale, Sen, 

Anthony Sommerby, 
William Thomas, 
Francis Brown, 
Anthony Short, 
Abiel Sommerby, 
Nicholas Noyes, 
Daniel Thurston, 
Tristram Coffin, 
Percival Lowle, 
Samuel Lowle, 
John Knight, Sen. 
John Knight, Jun. 
Paul White, 
Abel Huse, , 
Richard Kent, 
James Kent, 
John Kent, 
Richard Knight, 
Thomas Silver. 



The petition from Ipswich signed by 

John Appleton, 
William Norton, 
George Gittings, 
John Baker, Sen. 
Francis Wainwright, 
Jeremiah Belcher, 
Jeremiah Jewitt, 
John Newmarch, 
Henry Bennett, 
William Story, 
John Andrews, 
John Lee, 
Nathaniel Piper, 
Daniel Davison, 
Richard Walker, 
John Dennison, 
Richard Hubbard, 
John Perkins, 
Jacob Perkins, 
Robert Lord, Sen. 
Nathaniel Rogers, 
Thomas Wayte, 
John Safford, 
John Brown, 
Phil : Fowler, Sen. 
Daniel Warner, 
Walter Roper, 
George Smith, 
Edward Woodward, 
William Hodgkin, 
Kaleb Kemball, 
Anthony Wood, 
John VVhipple, Jun. 
Moses Pengry, 
John Gittings,, 
Samuel Gittings, 
Robert Colburn, Sen. 

John Whipple,3tius. 
Thomas Clark, Sen. 
William Mover, 
Theophilus Wilson, 
Thomas Knowlton, 
Samuel Adams, 
Freegrace Norton, 
Richard Kemble, Sen 
Joseph Browne, 
Andrew Peters, 
Thomas Lovell, 
John Sparks, 
Robert Whitman, 
Haniel Bosworth, 
John Norton, 
Samuel Lord, 
Thomas Kemball, 
Robert Lord, Jun. 
Thomas Harris, 
Thomas Low, 
Samuel Ingols, 
John Caldwell, 
Samuel Rogers, 
John Burr, 
Robert Day, 
Thomas Hart, 
Ezekiel Rogers, 
John Payne, 
Joseph Whipple, 
John Kenrick, 
Thomas Clark, Jun. 
Thomas Clark, 3tius. 
Simon Thompson, 
John Roberts, 
Thomas Newman, 
John Woodhara. 


The subsequent piece is the copy of verses, which was 
printed in page 104 of vol, iv. of our second series. 

Following these sarcastic lines conies more valuable 

An answer to the king's signification was passed by 
the Court, to which Mr. Bradstreet replied. 

B. I fear we take not a right course for our safety. 
It is clear that this signification is from his majesty. I 
do desire to have it remembered, that I do dissent, and 
desire that I may have it recorded, that I dissent from 
that part of it, as 'tis an answer to the king's significa- 

Court's answer to the king's signification. 

Right Honourable 

His majesty's gracious letter, directed to the gov 
ernour and council, dated 22d of February, 1665 — 6, 
was received, and communicated to the council 17th of 
July, 1666. We do, with all thankfulness, acknowledge 
his great care in forewarning us of our danger by the 
French and Dutch, and directing us to prepare for our 
defence, which, according to our weak ability we have 
been, and are endeavouring. As touching the reducing of 
Canada, &c. we have advised with Sir Thomas Temple, 
governour of Nova Scotia, and with the governour of 
Connecticott, who doth conclude with us, that it is not 
feasible, as well in respect of the difficulty (if not im- 
possibility^) of a land march over the rocky mountains 
and howling deserts about 400 miles, as the strength of the 
French there according to report. His majesty's decla- 
ration of the war against France, sent enclosed, it was so- 
lemly published here by sound of trumpet. We have 
sustained some loss and damage by the French and Dutch 
in our shipping abroad, and in our smaller vessels upon 
our coasts, where, at our very doors, a man of war hath 
taken two or three vessels to a considerable value. 
Whereupon some of ours, by commission from hence 


have lately taken three or four of their fishing ships upon 
the coasts of Canada ; and for the future, we shall en- 
deavour; by the assistance of God, to preserve and defend 
the honour and interest of his majesty, and the English 
nation in these parts. We may not omit to acquaint 
your honor, that a writing was delivered to the govern- 
our and magistrates by Mr. Samuel Maverick, the 6th 
Sep. without direction or seal, which he saith is a copy 
of a signification from his majesty of his pleasure con- 
cerning this colony of the Massachusetts ; the certainty 
whereof seems not to be so clear unto us as former ex- 
presses from his majesty have usually been. We have, 
in all humility, given our reasons, why we could not sub- 
mit to the commissioners and their mandates the last 
year, which we understand lie before his majesty, to the 
substance whereof we have not to add ; and therefore 
can't expect that the ablest persons among us could be 
in a capacity to declare our case more fully. 

We must therefore commit this our great concernment 
unto Almighty God, praying and hoping that his majes- 
ty (a prince of so great clemency) will consider the estate 
and condition of his poor and afflicted subjects, at such a 
time, being in imminent danger by the publick enemies of 
our nation by sea and land, and that in a wilderness, far 
remote from relief; wherefore we do, in most humble 
wise, prostrate ourselves before his majesty, and beseech 
him to be gracious pleased to rest assured of our loyalty 
and allegiance, according to our former profession : thus 
with our humble service to your honor, and earnest 
prayers to God for his majesty's temporal and eternal hap- 
piness, we remain your honor's humble servants. 

17, 7mo. 1666. 

19, 7mo. 1666. Major Dennison declared his dissent 
from the letter to be sent to Secretary Morrice, as not 
being proportionate to the end desired, and he hopes, in- 
tended, and desired it might be entered. Viz. due satis- 
faction to his majesty, and the preservation of the peace 
and liberty of this colony. 


October 10th, 1666. The General Court met again, 
according to adjournment in May last. At this court 
many express themselves very sensible of our condition. 
Several earnest for sending, and some against sending. 
Those for sending none spake out fully, that they would 
have the governour and Major Hawthorne go ; but some 
will have men go to plead our cause with his majesty ; to 
answer what may be alleged against us, alleging rea- 
son, religion, and our own necessity, as forcing us there- 
to. Others are against it, as being the loss of all, by 
endangering a quo warranto to be brought against our 
patent, and so to be condemned ; and a middle sort 
would have some go to present the Court's present to his 
majesty of two masts, and a ship's load of masts ; and in 
case any demand were made why the governour, Major 
Hawthorne and others did not appear, to crave his majes- 
ty's favour therein, and to plead with his majesty, shew- 
ing how inconsistent it is with our being, for any to be 
forced to appear to answer in a judicial way in England, 
to answer either appeals or complaints against the coun- 

This last proposal is obstructed by sundry, as being 
ruinous to the whole ; and so nothing can be done, the 
governour and some others chiefly opposing it ; so as 
that no orderly debate can be had to know the mind of 
the Court. 

The Court agreed to send his majesty two large masts 
aboard Capt. Peirce, 34 yards long, and the one 36 and 
the other 37 inches diameter ; and agreed to levy a Z.1000, 
for the payment of what is needful at present. 

But is obstructed, by reason none will lend money, 
unless men be sent, and others, because any thing is 
sent ; a return whereof being made to the Court, they 
say they know not what to do more, in case* they that have 
money, will not part with it, they are at a stand. Some 
speak of raising by rate immediately. Others think there 
is so much dissatisfaction, that men are not sent, that it 
will provoke and raise a tumult ; and in case that it be 
raised by loan, it will be hardly paid. If content be not 
given in their sending men with it, and there be no good 
effect, which is contingent, and thus we are every way at 


a stand ; some fearing these actings will precipitate our 
ruin, and others apprehending that to act further, will 
necessitate our ruin. 

Here is man's weakness and extremity. What a fa- 
vour will it be, if it may be God's opportunity. That it 
may be so, for mercy to us and ours, the Lord grant. 

The storm made by the complaints was no sooner 
blown over, but as one wave followeth another, so imme- 
diately there followed at the heels of that the prevalency 
of Anabaptists, threatening to overturn all in church and 
state, presumptuously, and with a high hand contemning, 
in their schismatical opposing the Church of Christ, all 
means used for their suppression notwithstanding. 
Whereupon at a council, held at Boston in March, 1667 
— 8, an act was passed for their orderly conviction by the 
labours of some of the reverend elders, a copy whereof 
here followeth. 

The debates of this wonder working conference are 
here given in short hand ; and we may be sure the writer 
is not deficient in the fulness, however doubtful of the 
impartiality of his report. The session lasted two days, 
beginning the 14th of April, the doings whereof occupy 
forty pages, and the next day twenty six. Whether the 
importance of the subject will ever cause the unlocking 
of this cibinet, to which some curious person might easily 
invent fc key, is hardly worth inquiry. No book has ever 
mentioned the subject, except Benedict and Backus' his- 
tory of the Baptists; from the first volume, p. 391 of the 
former, we make this extract : " They were challenged to 
a publick dispute upon their peculiar sentiments, that it 
might be determined, whether they were erroneous or 
not. The six following divines, viz. Messrs. John Allen, 
Thomas Cobbet, John Higginson, Samuel Danforth, 
Jonathan Mitchell, and Thomas Shepard, were nominated 
to manage the dispute on the Pedobaptist side, which was 
appointed to be April 14, 1668, in the meeting house in 
Boston at 9 o'clock in the morning. But lest these six 
learned clergymen should not be a match for a few illite- 
rate Baptists, the governour and magistrates were request- 


ed to meet with them. The news of this dispute soon 
spread abroad, and Mr* Clark's church in Newport seat 
William Hiscox, Joseph Tory, and Samuel Hubbard, to 
assist their brethren in Boston in it, who arrived ihefe 
three days before it was to come on. No particular ac- 
count of this dispute has been preserved." 

The account in this MS. if decyphered, would un- 
doubtedly be particular enough, and probably tend little 
to the edification of our acre. It begins "Mr. John Altin 
and Mr. Whiting, senr. Were chosen for moderators, and 
Mr. John Allin made this following speech." After this 
opening address of the moderator, the conference seems, 
from the guick alternation of the dialogue, as the speakers' 
names indicate, to have been more animated than might 
be expected. The governour speaks ftrft in two lines, 
then Goold, in ten lines. Allen, Cobbet, Mitchell, 
Gookin, Higginson, Whiting, Shepard, Hull, Grindalt, 
Symes, senr. Danforth, Thacher, appear on the side of the 
Court against the Baptists, whose disputants were Goold, 
Russell, Turner, Johnson, Bowers, Thrumble, Drinker, 
Farnam ; but the eloquence and argument of each is lost 
in an impartial oblivion. 

The thanks of the Historical Society, at their stated 
meeting in August, were voted to the gentleman, by 
whose exemplary diligence the preceeding papers were 


A Description of Natardin or Catardin Mountain-Seeing 
an Extract from a Letter, written by Charles Turner, 
Jun. Esq,, in the Summer of 1804, which was one of the 
several Seasons in which he has been employed in the 



On Monday, August 13th, 1804, at 8 o'clock, A. M. we 
left our canoes at the head of boat-waters, in a small clear 
Stream of spring water, which came in different rivulets 


from the mountain, the principal of which (as we after- 
wards found) issued from a large gully near the top of the 
mountain. At 5 o'clock, P. M. we reached the summit 
of the mountain. Catardinis the southernmost and high- 
est of a collection of eight or ten mountains, extending 
from it north east and north west. Round this mountain, 
on the west, south and east sides is a table land extending 
about four miles, rising gradually to the foot of the moun- 
tain. This table laud is much elevated and overlooks all 
the country except the mountains ; when viewed from the 
mountain however it appears like a plane. Leaving the 
table land, and following a ridge, we endeavoured to gain 
the summit, at the west end, which appeared most easy 
of access. From the head of the table land, which we 
considered as the base of the mountain, we ascended on 
an elevation, making an angle with the horizon of from 35 
to 46 degrees, about two miles. This mountain is compos- 
ed of rocks, which appear to have been broken or split. 
The rocks, except at and near the top, are of a coarse grain, 
of light grey colour, and most of them are crumbling, 
and of these crumbles the soil, if such it may be called, 
is composed. The rocks near the top are of finer con- 
texture and of a bluish colour. The table land was for- 
merly covered with wood of various kinds ; with hard 
woods near the streams where the soil was good ; but with 
spruce in other parts, the trees lessening in height as we 
approached and ascended the mountain, until they became 
dwarfs of only two feet in height, and finally came to noth- 
ing at about a half mile from the summit. The rocks 
and soil in the ascent were covered with a deep green 
moss. The table land and mountain on the south and 
east have been burnt over, and are entirely bare, except 
near the springs and streams. The ridge between the 
streams on the west seemed to have escaped the fire, and 
this circumstance enabled us to ascend with greater fa- 
cility. The south and east sides were from their steepness 
inaccessible. Having reached the top, we found our- 
selves on a plane of rocks with coarse gravel in the inter- 
stices, and the whole covered with a dead bluish moss. 
This plane, the westerly part of which was very smooth. 

16 VOL. VIII. 


and descending a little to the northward, contained about 
eight hundred acres. The elevation was so great as sen- 
sibly to affect respiration. The day was very calm and 
sultry, and our toil so great, that when we had found sev- 
eral springs of very clear cold water, our company were 
inclined to drink of them too freely. Some felt the ill 
effects immediately, and others were taken with vomitting 
in the course of the night following ; indeed our whole 
company, which consisted of eleven, found, on the follow- 
ing morning, our throats sore and inflamed. Whether 
this arose wholly from some ill quality in the water, or 
partly from eating a variety of fruits, such as raspberries, 
blue whortleberries, black currants, boxberries and bog 
cranberries, which we found in abundance from the place 
where we left our boats to near the top, we could not de- 
termine. Though to us, in our thirsty and fatigued con- 
dition, the pure spring brought to our minds the fabled 
nectar of the poets, yet we found that it had a very per- 
ceptible astringent quality, and appeared to be impreg- 
nated with minerals. 

Having arrived at the highest point, which is towards 
the east end, we found ourselves above all the mountains 
within our horizon. We could not determine our actual 
elevation, not having instruments, nor being otherwise 
prepared to measure the height of the mountain. From 
this point our view was enchanting ; the air however 
had during the day become a little smoky, which pre- 
vented our distinguishing distant objects with that clear- 
ness which we could have wished. The plane on the 
top of the mountain, being nearly a mile and an half in 
length, would have afforded a base or leg, by which, with 
correct instruments, we might have determined with a 
great degree of exactness, the situation and distances of 
all the principal highlands and mountains in the District 
of Maine, and the situation and extent of the principal 
lakes. Here we could see, due north from us, the lake or 
cross pond, which is the main reservoir of the Aroostook 
branch of St. John's River, and several smaller lakes. 
Here we could see, bearing N. W. the lake at the head 
of St. John's River, the lake that is sketched on our maps 


of the District of Maine, N. W. from Moose-head Lake.) 
West from us, we could see the south end of Moose- 
head Lake, and N. N. W. its north end, a chain of small 
mountains lying N. of Piscataquis Mountains, preventing 
our seeing its centre. Near the westerly part of the moun- 
tain which is connected with the Catardin, we could see 
Cheesauncook Lake, extending N. N. E. and S. S. W. 
about twenty miles long and five miles broad, which 
empties into the Penobscot ; and south of it, a large lake 
N. of the E. end of the Piscataquis Mountains, which 
empties into the Piscataquis River. We counted sixty 
three lakes of different dimensions which discharge their 
waters by the Penobscot. S. W. from us lay the Piscat- 
aquis Mountains, extending E. and W. nearly, from the 
Penobscot to the Kennebec : and N. of the lands survey- 
ed, lay a small ridge of mountains, about twenty miles 
N. of the Piscataquis Mountains. Amongst the collec- 
tion of mountains near the Catardin, is one lying N. N. W. 
called by the English Fort Mountain, from its shape ; its 
base being an oblong square or parallelogram, extending 
N. E. and S. W. and ascending at the sides and ends in 
an angle of about 45 degrees to a sharp ridge ; which 
ridge is about one mile in length, and is covered with 
verdure. North of Fort Mountain appears an irregular 
mountain, on the S. side of which, and near the top, ap- 
pears an extensive ledge of smooth white rock which 
glittered like ising-glass. We could clearly discern the 
high lands, from the Bay of Chaleur westerly, which di- 
vide the District of Maine from the Province of Quebec. 
E. N. E. from us lay Peaked Mountain, over which Bing- 
ham's easterly line runs. Mount Desert was also dis- 
tinctly in view. We could discern the range of high fer- 
tile lands extending N. and S. between the Penobscot 
and Scoodic waters ; and those between the Penobscot 
and Aroostook waters, and St. John's River. But the 
sun was now declining in the west, and we took leave of 
the summit of the mountain, after having deposited the 
initials of our names (William Howe, Amos Patten, 
Joseph Treat, Samuel Call, William Rice, Richard Win- 
slow, Charles Turner, Jun.) and the date, cut upon sheet 


lead, and a bottle of rum corked and leaded, on the high- 
est part. We descended the mountain with cautious 
steps, until we came among the low spruces, and the 
next day at noon we reached our canoes. 

It is difficult by any orthography, precisely to express 
the name of this mountain, and convey the nasal sound 
which the natives give. No-tar-dn or Ca-ta-din is as 
near perhaps as the powers of the letters will admit. 

The Indians have a suoerstition respecting this moun- 
tain, that an evil spirit, whom they call Pamela, inhabits 
it, at least in the winter, and flies off in the spring with 
tremendous rumbling noises. They have a tradition, that 
no person, i. e. native, who has attempted to ascend it, has 
lived to return. They allege, that many moons ago, 
seven Indians resolutely ascended the mountain, and that 
they were never heard of afterwards, having been undoubt- 
edly killed by Pamola in the mountain. The two In- 
dians, whom we hired to pilot and assist us in ascending 
the mountain, cautioned us not to proceed if we should 
hear any uncommon noise ; and when we came to the 
cold part of the mountain, they refused to proceed ahead 
— however, when they found that we were determined to 
proceed, even without them, they again went forward 
courageously, and seemed ambitious to be first on the 
summit. On our return to Indian Old Town, it was 
with difficulty that we could convince the natives that we 
had been upon the top of Mount Catardin, nor should we 
have been able to satisfy them of the fact, so superstitious 
were they, had it not been for the Indians who had ac- 
companied us. 

A Letter from Matthew Craddock, to Captain John 


[April 17, 1629— a letter to Captain John Endicott, of Salem, from the 
governour and deputy governour of the New England Company, printed 
in the first volume of Hazard's Collection of State Papers, refers to 
one written to him, a short time before, by the governour of the com- 
pany. The following is that letter ; and, it is believed, has never been 
published. It was copied from the first page of the oldest MS. book of 
records in the secretary's office.] 


WORTHY sir and my lovinge freynd, all due com- 
mendations premised to yourselfe and second selfe, 
with harty well wishes from my selfe and many others well- 
willers and adventurers in this our plantation to yourself 
and the rest of your good company, of whose safe arrivall 
being now thoroughlie informed, by your letters bearing 
date the 13th September last, which came to my hands 
the 13th this instant February, we doe not a little rejoyce ; 
and to hear that my good cozen, your wyfe, were perfect- 
ly recovered of her health would be acceptable newes to 
us all, which God grant in his good tyme that we may. 
Meanwhile I am in the behalfe of our whole company 
(which are much enlarged since your departure out of 
England) to give you harty thanks for your lardge advice 
contained in this your letter, which T have fully imparted 
unto them, and further to give proof that they intende 
not to be wanting by all good means to forward the plan- 
tation, to which purpose, God willing, you shall heare 
more at another time, and that speedilye, there beinge one 
shipp bought for the company of 200 tunns, and 2 others 
hyred of about 200 tunns each of them, 1 of 19 and 1 of 
10 peeces of ordnance, besides not unlike but one other 
vessell shall come in companie with those ; in all which 
ships for the general stock and property of the adventuers, 
there is likely to be sent thither twixt 2 and 300 per- 
sons wee hope to reside there, and about 100 head of 
cattell, wherefore as 1 wrote you in full, and sent by Mr. 
Allerton of New Plymouth in November last, soe the de- 
sire of them, is that you would endeavour to gett conve- 
nient housings fitt to lodge as many as you can against they 
doe come, and withall what beveror other commodities or 
fishe, if the means to preserve it can be gotten readie, to 
return in the foresaid shipps ; and likewise wood, if no 
better ladinge be to be had — That you would endeavour 
to gett in a readiness what you can whereby our shipps, 
whereof twoe are to return back directive heather, may 
not come wholly emptye. There hath not bine a better 
tyme for sale of tymber theise twoe seven years than at 
present and therefore pittie these shipps should come 


backe emptye, if it might be made readie that they neede 
not stope 1 daye for it; otherwise mens wages and victuals, 
together with the shipps will quicklie rise too high if to be 
reladen with wood, and that the same be not readie to put 
a board as soon as the shipps are discharged of their out- 
ward ladinge. I wishe alsoe that there be some sassafras 
and sarsaparilla sent us, as alsoe good store of shoomacke, 
if there to be had, as we are informed there is ; the like 
do I wishe for, and a tun weight, at least, of silke grasse 
and of ought else that may be useful for dyinge or in 
phisicke, to have some of each sent, and advise given 
withall what store of each to be had there if vent may be 
found here for it, and alsoe I hope you will have some 
good sturgeon in a readinesse to send us, and if it be well 
cured 2 or 300 firkins thereof would helpe well towards out- 
charge. We are very confident of your best endeavours 
for the general good, and we doubt not but God will in 
mercye give a blessinge upon our labours, and we trust 
you will not be unmindful of the mayne end of our plan- 
tation by endeavouringe to bringe the Indians to the 
knowledge of the gospell, which that it may be the spee- 
dier and better effected, the earnest desire of our whole 
company is that you have a diligent and watchful eye 
over our owne people that they live unblamable and with- 
out reproach, and demeane themselves justlye and corte- 
ous towards the Indians, thereby to draw them to affect 
our persons and consequently our religion ; as alsoe to 
endeavour to gett some of their children to trayne up to 
reading and consequentlie to religion while they are 
yonge ; herein to younge or olde to omit no good op- 
portunitye that may tend to bringe them out of that woe- 
ful state and condition they now are in ; in which case 
our predecessors in this our land sometymes were, and 
but for the mercye and goodness of our good God might 
have continued to this day. But God whoe out of the 
boundless ocean of his mercye hath shewed pittie and 
compassion to our land, he is all sufficient and can bringe 
this to pass which we now desire in that countrye like- 
wise. Onlie let us not be wanting on our parts, now wee 
are called to this work of the Lord ; neither, having put 


our handes to the plowe, let us look back, but goe on 
cheerfullye) and depend upon God for a blessing upon 
our labours, whoe by weake instruments is able (if he see 
it good) to bringe glorious thinges to passe. 

Be of good courage, goe on and do worthilye, and the 
Lord prosper your endeavour. 

It is fullie resolved, by God's assistance, to send over 
two ministers, at the least, with the shipps now intended 
to be sent thether. But for Mr. Peters, he is now in 
Holland, from whence his return hether I hold to be un- 
certain. Those wee send shall be by the approbation of 
Mr. White of Dorchester and Mr. Davenport. For what- 
soever else you have given advise, care shall be taken, 
God willinge, to performe the needful as neere as we 
can and the tymes will permit, whereof alsoe you maye 
expect more ample advertisement, in their generall letter, 
when God shall send our shipps thether. The course 
you have taken, in givinge our countrymen theire con- 
tent in the point of plantinge tobacco there for the pres- 
ent (theire necesssitie considered) is not disallowed : but 
wee trust in God other means will be found to employe 
theire tyme more comfortable and profitable alsoe in the 
end. And wee cannot but generally approve and com- 
mend theire good resolution to desist from the plantinge 
thereof when as they shall discerne howe to imploye their 
laboures otherwise, which we hope they will be speedilye 
induced unto by such precepts and examples as we shall 
give them. And now mindinge to conclude this, I maye 
not omit to put you in mynde, however you seeme to 
feare noe enimies there, yet that you have a watchful eye 
for your owne safetye, and the safetye of all those of our 
nation with you ; and not to be too confident of the fideli- 
tie of the Salvages. It is an old proverb yet as true, the 
burnt childe dreades the fyre. Our countrymen have 
suffered by theire too much confidence in Virginia. Let 
us by theire harmes learne to beware, and as wee are 
commanded to be innocent as doves, soe withall wee are 
enjoined to be wise as serpents. The God of heaven and 
earth preserve and keepe you from all forayne and inland 
enimies, and blesse and prosper this plantation to the en- 


largement of the kingdom of Jesus Christ ; to whose 
merciful protection I recommend you and all your asso- 
tiates there knowne or unknowne. And so tyll my 
next, which shall be, God willinge, by our shipps, whoe 
I make account will be readie to sett sayle from hence 
about the 20th of this next moneth of Marche, I end 
and rest, 

Your assured loving friende and Cussen 


From my house in Swithens Lane neare London stone 
this 16th February 1628—9 Stilo Anglige. 

A brief History of the Pequot War : 

Especially of the memorable Taking of their Fort at Mistick in Connecti- 
cut in 1637. Written by Major John Mason, a principal Actor there- 
in, as then chief Captain and Commander of Connecticut Forces. 

With an Introduction and some Explanatory Notes by the Reverend Mr. 
Thomas Prince. 

Psal. xliv. 1 — 3. We have heard with our Ears, God, our Fathers 
have told us, ivhat Work Thou didst in their Days, in the times of 
old ; How Thou didst drive out the Heathen with thy Hand, and 
plantedst Them : how Thou did afflict the People and cast them out. 
For they got not the hand in Possession by their own Sword, neither 
did their own Arm save them ; but thy right Hand, and thine Arm, 
and the Light of thy Countenance, because Thou hadst a Favour 
unto them. 

Psal. en. 18. This shall be ivritten for the Generation to come: and 
the People which shall be Created, shall praise the Lord. 

Boston : Printed and Sold by S. Kneeland and T. Green in Queen 
Street, 1736. 


J N my Contemplations of the Divine Providence towards 
the People of New-England, I have often tho't what a 
special Favour it was, that there came over with the first 


Settlers of Plimouth and Connecticut Colonies, which in 
those Times were especially exposed to the superiour 
Power of the Barbarians round about them ; Two brave 
Englishmen bred to arms in the Dutch Netherlands, 
viz. Capt. Miles Standish of Plimouth, and Capt. John 
Mason of Connecticut : Gentlemen of tried Valour, Mi- 
litary Skill and Conduct, great Activity, and warm Zeal 
for that noble Cause of Pure Scriptural Religion, and 
Religious Liberty, which were the chief original Design 
and Interest of the Fathers of these Plantations ; and who 
were acted with such eminent Degrees of Faith and Pie- 
ty, as excited them to the most daring Enterprizes in the 
Cause of God and of his People, and went a great way to 
their wonderful Successes. 

Like those inspired Heroes of whom we read the His- 
tory in the Eleventh Chapter to the Hebrews— By Faith, 
they not only rather chose to suffer Affliction with the 
People of God than to enjoy the Pleasures of Sin for a 
Season ; esteeming the Reproach of Christ greater Rich- 
es than the Treasures of Egypt : But by Faith they even 
forsook the same, passed thro' the Sea, subdued King- 
doms, wrought Righteousness, obtained Promises, wax- 
ed valiant in Fight, and turned to flight the armies of the 

The Judicious Reader that knows the New English 
History, cannot think these Scripture Phrases or reli- 
gious Turns unsuitable on this Occasion : For as these 
Colonies were chiefly, if not entirely Settled by a Reli- 
gious People, and for those Religious Purposes ; It is as 
impossible to write an impartial or true History of them, 
as of the ancient Israelites, or the later Vaudois or North- 
Britons, without observing that Religious Spirit and In- 
tention which evidently run through and animate their 
Historical Transactions. 

Capt. Standish was of a low Stature, but of such 
a daring and active Genius, that even before the Arrival 
of the Massachusetts Colony, He spread a Terror over 
all the Tribes of Indians round about him, from the 
Massachusetts to Martha's Vineyard, and from Cape-Cod 
Harbour to Narragansett. Capt. Mason was Tali and 
17 vox. viii. 


Portly, but never the less full of Martial Bravery and 
Vigour ; that He soon became the equal Dread of the 
more numerous Nations from Narragansett to Hudson's 
River. They were Both the Instrumental Saviours of. 
this Country in the most critical Conjunctures : And as 
we quietly enjoy the Fruits of their extraordinary Dili- 
gence and Valour, both the present and future Genera- 
tions will for ever be obliged to revere their Memory. 

Capt. Mason, the Writer of the following History, in 
which he was a principal Actor, as Chief Commander of 
the Connecticut Forces, is said to have been a Relative 
of Mr. John Mason the ancient Claimer of the Province 
of New-Hampshire : However, the Captain was one of 
the first who went up from the Massachusetts about the 
Year 1635 to lay the Foundation of Connecticut Colony: 
fle went from Dorchester, first settled at Windsor, and 
thence marched forth to the Pequot War. 

But it being above Threescore Years since the follow- 
ing Narrative was Written, near an Hundred since the 
Events therein related, and the State of the New Eng- 
land Colonies being long since greatly Changed ; it 
seems needful for the present Readers clearer Apprehen- 
sion of these Matters, to Observe — That in the Year 
1633, and 1634, several Englishmen arriving from Eng- 
land, at the Massachusetts, went up in the Western 
Country to discover Connecticut River ; the next Year 
began to remove thither ; and by the Beginning of 1637, 
Hartford, Windsor and Weathersfield were Settled, be- 
sides a Fortification built at Say brook on the Mouth of 
the River. 

At that Time there were especially three powerful and 
warlike Nations of Indians in the South Western Parts 
of New England ; which spread all the Country from 
Aquethneck, since called Rhode Island, to Quinnepiack, 
since called New-Haven ; viz. the Narragansetts, Pe- 
quots and Mohegans. The Narragansetts reached from 
the Bay of the same Name, to Pawcatuck River, now the 
Boundary between the Governments of Rhode-Island 
and Connecticut : And their Head Sachem was Mian- 
tonimo. The Pequots reached from thence Westward 


to Connecticut River, and over it, as far as Branford, if 
not Quinnepiack ; their Head Sachem being Sassacus. 
And the Mohegans spread along from the Narragansetts 
through the Inland Country, on the Back or Northerly 
Side of the Pequots, between them and the Nipmucks ; 
their Head Sachem being Uncas. 

The most terrible of all those Nations were then the 
Pequots ; who with their depending Tribes soon entered 
on a Resolution to Destroy the English out of the Coun- 
try. In 1634, they killed Capt. Stone and all his Com- 
pany, being seven besides Himself, in and near his Bark 
on Connecticut River. In 1635, they killed Capt. Old- 
ham in his Bark at Block-Island ; and at Long-Island 
they killed two more cast away there. In 1636, and the 
following Winter and March, they killed six and took 
seven more at Connecticut River : Those they took alive 
they tortured to Death in a most barbarous Manner. 
And on April 23. 1637, they killed nine more and car- 
ried two young Women Captive at Weathersfield. 

They had earnestly solicited the Narragansetts to en- 
gage in their Confederacy : very politickly representing 
to them, That if they should help or suffer the English 
to subdue the Pequots, they would thereby make Way 
for their own future Ruin ; and that they need not come 
to open Battle with the English; only Fire our Houses, 
kill our Cattle, lye in Ambush and shoot us as we went 
about our Business ; so we should be quickly forced to 
leave this Country, and the Indians not exposed to any 
great Hazard. Those truly politick Arguments were 
upon the Point of prevailing on the Narragansetts: And 
had These with the Mohegans, to whom the Pequots 
were nearly related, joined against us ; they might then, 
in the infant State of these Colonies, have easily accom- 
plished their desperate Resolutions. 

But the Narragansetts being more afraid of the Pe- 
quots than of the English ; were willing they should 
weaken each other, not in the least imagining the Eng- 
lish could destroy them ; at the same time an Agency 
from the Massachusetts Colony to the Narragansetts, 
happily Preserved their staggering Friendship. And as 


Uncas the Great Sachim of the Moheags, upon the first 
coming of the English, fell into an intimate Acquaintance 
with Capt. Mason, He from the Beginning entertained us 
in an amicable Manner : And though both by his Father 
and Mother He derived from the Royal Blood of the 
Pequots, and had Married the Daughter of Tatobam 
their then late Sachim ; yet such was his Affection for 
us, as he faithfully adhered to us, ventured his Life in 
our Service, assisted at the Taking their Fort, when 
about Seven Hundred of them were Destroyed, and 
thereupon in subduing and driving out of the Country 
the remaining greater Part of that fierce and dangerous 

Soon after the War, Capt. Mason was by the Govern- 
ment of Connecticut, made the major General of all their 
forces, and so continued to the day of his death : The 
Rev. Mr. Hooker of Hartford, being desired by the Gov- 
ernment in their Name to deliver the Staff into his Hand ; 
We may imagin he did it with that superiour Piety, Spir- 
it and Majesty, which were peculiar to him : Like an 
ancient Prophet addressing himself to the Military Of- 
ficer, delivering to him the Principal Ensign of Martial 
Power, to Lead the Armies and Fight the Battles of the 
Lord and of his People. 

Major Mason having been trained up in the Nether- 
land War under Sir Thomas Fairfax ; when the Struggle 
arose in England between K. Charles I. and the Parlia- 
ment about the Royal Powers and the National Liberties ; 
that Famous General had such an esteem for the Ma- 
jor's Conduct and Bravery, that He wrote to the Major 
to come over and help Him. But the Major excusing 
himself, continued in this Country as long as he lived, 
and had some of the greatest Honours his Colony could 
yield him. 

For besides his Office of Major General, the Colony 
in May 1660 chose him their Deputy Governour ; con- 
tinued him in the same Post by annual Re-elections, by 
virtue of their first Constitution to 1662 inclusively. 
The same Year K. Charles II. comprehending the Co- 
lonies of Connecticut and New Haven in One Govern- 


ment by the name of Connecticut Colony ; He in the 
Royal Charter, signed April 23. appointed Major Mason 
their first Deputy Governour till the second Thursday 
of October following : After which, the General Court 
being left to chuse their Officers, they continued to chuse 
him their Deputy Governour every Year to May 1670 ; 
when his Age and Bodily Infirmities advancing, he laid 
down his Office and retired from Publick Business. 

After the Pequot War, he had removed from Windsor 
to Saybrook : But in 1659, he removed thence to Nor- 
wich ; where he Died in 1672, or 1673, in the 73d Year 
of his Age : leaving three sons, viz. Samuel, John and 
Daniel, to imitate their Fathers Example and inherit his 

I have only now to observe, that in The Relation of 
the Troubles which happened to New England by the 
Indians from 1614 to 1675, Published by the then Mr. 
Increase Mather in 1677, I find a copy of the following 
Narrative, but without the Prefaces, had been communi- 
cated to him by Mr. John Allyn then the Secretary of 
Connecticut Colony ; which that Rev. Author took for 
Mr. Allyn's and calls it his. But we must inform the 
Reader, that the Narrative was originally drawn by Major 
Mason. And as his Eldest Grandson Capt. John Mason 
now of New London has put it into my Hands ; I have 
been more than usually careful in Correcting the Press 
according to the Original ; as the most authentick Ac- 
count of the Pequot War, and as a standing Monument 
both of the extraordinary Dangers and Courage of our 
pious Fathers, and of the eminent Appearance of Heaven 
to save them. 

' The other actions of Major Mason must be referred 
' to the General History of this country, when some Gen- 
' tleman of greater Qualifications and Leisure than I may 
' claim, shall rise up among us, to undertake it. I shall 
1 give some Hints in my Brief Chronology ; which 
' through numerous Hindrances, is now in such a For- 
* wardness that near 200 Pages are Printed already ; and 
6 in a little Time, Life and Health allowed, I hope to pre- 
4 sent the Publick with the first of the two intended Vol- 


' uraes. In the mean while I cannot but Regret it, that 

* such considerable and ancient Towns as Saybrook, 

* Fairfield, Stamford, Canterbury, Groton in the County 

* of Middlesex, Chelmsford, Billerica, Woburn, Dun- 

* stable and Bristol, should afford no more than their 
1 bare Names in the Published Records of this Country. 

Boston, Dec. 23, 1735. 

To The Honourable The General Court of Connecticut. 

Honoured Gentlemen, 

You well know how often I have been requested by 
yourselves to write something in reference to the Subject 
of the ensuing Treatise (who have power to Command) 
and how backward I have been, as being conscious to my 
own unfitness ; accounting it not so proper, I being a 
Chief Actor therein myself. Yet considering that little 
hath been done to keep the memory of such a special 
Providence alive, though I could heartily have wished 
that some other who had been less interested and better 
qualified might have undertaken the Task, for I am not 
unacquainted with my own Weakness ; yet I shall en- 
deavour in plainness and faithfulness impartially to declare 
the Matter, not taking the Crown from the Head of one 
and putting it upon another. There are several who have 
Wrote and also Printed at random on this Subject, great- 
ly missing the Mark in many Things as I conceive. I 
shall not exempt my self from frailties, yet from materi- 
al Faults I presume you may pronounce it not Guilty, 
and do assure you that if I should see or by any be con- 
vinced of an Error, I shall at once confess and amend it. 

I thought it my Duty in the Entrance to relate the first 
Grounds upon which the English took up Arms against 
the Pequots ; for the Beginning is the Moiety of the 
Whole ; and not to mention some Passages at Rovers, 
as others have done, and not demonstrate the Cause. 
Judge of me as you please ; I shall not climb after Ap- 
plause, nor do I much fear a Censure ; there ^eing many 


Testimonies to what I shall say. 'Tis possible some 
may think no better can be expected in these distracting 
Times ; it being so hard to please a few, impossible to 
please all : I shall therefore content myself that I have at- 
tended my rule : You may please to improve some oth- 
ers who were Actors in the Service to give in their Ap- 
prehensions, that so the severals being compared, you 
may enlarge or diminish as you shall see meet. I desire 
my Name may be sparingly mentioned : My principal 
Aim is that God may have his due praise. 

By your unworthy Servant, 


To The American Reader. 

Judicious Reader, 

Although it be too true indeed that the Press labours 
under, and the World doth too much abound with pam- 
phleting Papers ; yet know that this Piece cannot or at 
least ought not to be disaccepted by thee ; For by the 
help of this thou mayest look backward and interpret how 
God hath been working, and that very wonderfully for 
thy Safety and Comfort : And it being the Lord's doing, 
it should be marvellous in thine Eyes. 

And when thou shalt have viewed over this Paper, thou 
wilt say the Printers of this Edition have done well to 
prevent the possible Imputation of Posterity ; in that they 
have consulted the exhibition at least to the American 
World, of the remarkable Providencies of God, which 
thou mayest at thy leisure read, consider and affect thy 
self with, in the Sequel. 

History most properly is a Declaration of Things that 
are done by those that were present at the doing of them: 
Therefore this here presented to thee may in that respect 
plead for liking and acceptance with thee : The Histori- 
ographer being one of the principal Actors, by whom 
those English Engagements were under God carried on 
and so successfully effected. And for a President for 
him in this his Publication of his own, in Parte Rei Bel- 


licae, he hath that great Man at arms the first of the noble 
Caesars, being the Manager and Inditer of his martial 

He has also that necessary Ingredient in an Historian ; 
Ut nequid falsi dicere, et nequid veri non dicere audeat ; 
That he will tell the Truth and will not say a jot of Fals- 

And Memorandum that those divine Over-rulings, their 
Recollection, as they ought to be Quickeners of us up to 
a Theological Reformation, and Awakeners of us from a 
lethargilike Security, least the Lord should yet again make 
them more afflicting Thorns in our Eyes and slashing 
Scourges in our Sides ; so also they may well be Pledges 
or Earnests to us of his future saving Mercies ; and that 
if we by our Declensions from him in his ways do not 
provoke him, he will not forsake us, but have respect to 
us in our Dwellings, and lend us the desirable Providence 
of his perpetual Salvation. 

N. B. This Epistle to the American Reader appears to have been writ- 
ten by another Hand than Major Mason's. 

To The Judicious Reader. 


I never had thought that this should have come to the 
Press, until of late : If I had, I should have endeavoured 
to have put a little more Varnish upon it : But being over 
perswaded by some Friends, I thought it not altogether 
amiss to present it to your courteous Disposition, hoping 
it might find your favourable Entertainment and Accept- 
ance, though rude and impolished. I wish it had fallen 
into some better Hands that might have performed it to 
the life ; I shall only draw the Curtain and open my little 
Casement, that so others of larger Hearts and Abilities 
may let in a bigger Light ; that so at least some small 
Glimmering may be left to Posterity what Difficulties and 
Obstructions their Forefathers met with in their first set- 
tling these desart Parts of America ; how God was pleas- 
ed to prove them, and how by his wise Providence he 


ordered and disposed all their Occasions and Affairs for 
them in regard to both their Civils and Ecclesiastical^. 

This with some other Reasons have been Motives to 
excite me to the enterprizing hereof ; no man that I 
know of having as yet undertaken to write a general His- 
tory or Relation ; so that there is no Commemoration of 
Matters respecting this War ; how they began, how car- 
ryed on, and continued, nor what Success they had.* 
They which think the mentioning of some Particulars is 
sufficient for the understanding of the General, in my 
Opinion stray no less from the Truth, than if by the sepa- 
rated Parts of a living Man one should think by this 
Means he knew all the Parts and Perfections of the Crea- 
ture : But these separated Parts being joyned together 
having Form and Life, one might easily descern that he 
was deceived. 

If the Beginning be but obscure, and the Ground un- 
certain, its Continuance can hardly perswade to purchase 
belief : Or if Truth be wanting in History, it proves but 
a fruitless Discourse. 

I shall therefore, God helping, endeavour not so much 
to stir up the Affections of Men - , as to declare in Truth 
and Plainness the Actions and Doings of Men ; I shall 
therefore set down Matter in order as they Began and 
were carried on and Issued ; that so I may not deceive 
the Reader in confounding of Things, but the Discourse 
may be both Plain and Easy. 

And although some may think they have Wrote in a 
high Stile, and done some notable Thing, yet in my Opi- 
nion they have not spoken truly in some Particulars, and 
in general to little Purpose : For how can History find 
Credit, if in the Beginning you do not deliver plainly and 
clearly from whence and how you do come to the Rela- 
tion which you presently intend to make of Actions ? 

As a Rule, although it hath less length and breadth, 
yet notwithstanding it retains the Name if it hath that 
which is proper to a Rule. When the Bones are Sepa- 
rated from a living Creature, it becomes unserviceable : 

* The Author Died before the Reverend Mr. William Hubbaid and Mr. Increase 
Mather Published their accounts of the Pequot War. 

18 vol. v:n. 


So a History, if you take away Order and Truth, the rest 
will prove to be but a vain Narration. 

I shall not make a long Discourse, nor labour to hold 
the Reader in doubt, using a multitude of Words, which 
is no sure Way to find out the Truth ; as if one should 
seek for Verity in the Current of Pratling, having noth- 
ing but a conceit worthy to hold the Reader in suspence : 
(Sed quo vado) In a word, the Lord was as it were pleas- 
ed to say unto us, The Land of Canaan will I give unto 
thee though but few and Strangers in it : And when 
we went from one Nation to another, yea from one King- 
dom to another, he suffered no Man to do us Wrong, 
but reproved Kings for our sakes : And so through Mer- 
cy at length we were settled in Peace, to the Astonish- 
ment of all that were round about us : unto whom be as- 
cribed all Glory and Praise for ever and ever. 



Norwich, in Neio England, in America. 

Some Grounds of the War Against the Pequots. 

About the Year 1632 one Capt. Stone arrived in the 
Massachusetts in a Snip from Virginia ; who shortly after 
was bound for Virginia again in a small Bark with one 
Capt. Norton ; who sailing into Connecticut River about 
two Leagues from the Entrance cast Anchor ; there com- 
ing to them several Indians belonging to that Place whom 
the Pequots Tyrannized over, being a potent and warlike 
People, it being their Custom so to deal with their neigh- 
bour Indians ; Capt. Stone having some occasion with 
the Dutch who lived at a trading House near twenty 
Leagues up the River, procured some of those Indians 
to go as Pilots with two of his Men to the Dutch : But 
being benighted before they could come to their desired 
Port, put the skiff in which they went, ashoar, where the 
two Englishmen falling asleep, were both Murdered by 
their Indian Guides : There remaining with the Bark 
about twelve of the aforesaid Indians ; who had in all 


probability formerly plotted their bloody Design ; and 
waiting an opportunity when some of the English were 
on Shoar and Capt. Stone asleep in his Cabbin, set upon 
them and cruelly Murdered every one of them, plunder- 
ed what they pleased and sunk the Bark. 

These Indians were not native Pequots, but had fre- 
quent recourse unto them, to whom they tendered some 
of those Goods, which were accepted by the Chief Sa- 
chem of the Pequots : Other of the said Goods were 
tendered to Nynigrett Sachem of Nayanticke, who also 
received them. 

The Council of the Massachusetts being informed of 
their Proceedings, sent to speak with the Pequots, and 
had some Treaties with them : But being unsatisfied 
therewith, sent forth Captain John Endicot Commander 
in Chief, with Captain Underbill, Captain Turner, and 
with them one hundred and twenty Men : who were 
firstly designed on a Service against a People living on 
Block Island, who were subject to the Narragansett Sa- 
chem ; they having taken a Bark of one Mr. John Old- 
ham, Murdering him and all his Company : They were 
also to call the Pequots to an Account about the Murder 
of Capt. Stone ; who arriving at Pequot had some Con- 
ference with them ; but little effected ; only one Indian 
slain and some Wigwams burnt. After which, the Pe- 
quots grew inraged against the English who inhabited 
Connecticut, being but a small Number, about two hun- 
dred and fifty, who were there newly arrived ; as also 
about twenty Men at Saybrook, under the Command of 
Lieutenant Lyon Gardner, who was there settled by sev- 
eral Lords and Gentlemen in England. The Pequots 
falling violently upon them, slew divers Men at Soy- 
brook ; keeping almost a constant Siege upon the Place ; 
so that the English were constrained to keep within their 
pallizado Fort ; being so hard Beset and sometimes As- 
saulted, that Capt. John Mason was sent by Connecticut 
Colony with twenty Men out of their small Numbers to 
secure the Place : But after his coming, there did not one 
Pequot appear in view for one Month Space, wiiich was 
the time he there remained. 


In the Interim certain Pequots about One Hundred 
going to a Place called Weathersfleld on Connecticut ; 
having formerly confederated with the Indians of that 
Place (as it was generally thought) lay in Ambush for the 
English ; divers of them going into a large Field adjoyn- 
ing to the Town to their Labour, were there set upon 
by the Indians : Nine of the English were killed outright, 
with some Horses, and two young Women taken Cap- 

At their Return from Weathersfield, they came down 
the River of Connecticut (Capt. Mason being then at 
Saybrook Fort) in three Canoes with about one hundred 
Men, which River of necessity they must pass : We es- 
pying them, concluded they had been acting some Mis- 
chief against us, made a Shot at them with a Piece of 
Ordnance, which beat off the Beak Head of one of their 
Canoes, wherein our two Captives were : it was at a very 
great distance : They then hastened, drew their Canoes 
over a narrow Beach with all speed and so got away. 

Upon which the English were somewhat dejected : But 
immediately upon this, a Court was called and met in 
Hartford the First of May 1637,* who seriously consid- 
ering their Condition, which did look very Sad, for those 
Pequots were a great People, being strongly fortified, 
cruel, warlike, munitioned, &c* and the English but an 
handful in comparison : But their outragious Violence 
against the English, having Murdered about Thirty of 
them, their great Pride and Insolency, constant pursuit 
in their malicious Courses, with their engaging other In- 
dians in their Quarrel against the English, who had never 
offered them the least Wrong ; who had in ail likelihood 
Espoused all the Indians in the Country in their Quar- 
rel, had not God by more than an ordinary Providence 
prevented : These Things being duly considered, with 
the eminent Hazard and great Peril they were in ; it 
pleased God so to stir up the Hearts of all Men in gene- 
ral, and the Court in special, that they concluded some 
Forces should forthwith be sent out against the Pequots ; 
their Grounds being Just, and necessity enforcing them 

* May 1. 1637 was Monday. 


to engage in an offensive and defensive War : the Man- 
agement of which War we are ncxtly to relate. 

An Epitome or brief History of the Pcquot War. 

In the Beginning of May 1657 there were sent out by 
Connecticut Colony Ninety Men under the Command of 
Capt. John Mason against the Pequots, with Onkos an 
Indian Sachem living at Mohegan,* who was newly re- 
volted from the Pequots ; being Shipped in one Pink, 
one Pinnace, and one Shallop ; who sailing down the Ri- 
ver of Connecticut fell several times a ground, the Water 
being very low : The Indians not being wonted to such 
Things with their small Canoes, and also being impatient 
of Delays, desired they might be set on Shoar, promising 
that they would meet us at Saybrook ; which we grant- 
ed : They hastening to their Quarters, fell upon Thirty 
or forty of the Enemy near Saybrook Fort, and killed 
seven of them outright ; f having only one of their's 
wounded, who was sent back to Connecticut in a Skiff : 
Capt. John Underbill also coming with him, who inform- 
ed us what was performed by Onkos and his Men ; which 
we looked at as a special Providence ; for before we were 
somewhat doubtful of his Fidelity : Capt. Underhill then 
offered his Service with nineteen Men to go with us, if 
Lieutenant Gardner would allow of it, who was Chief 
Commander at Saybrook Fort ; which was readily approv- 
ed of by Lieutenant Gardner and accepted by us ; In lieu 
of them we sent back twenty of our Soldiers to Connec- 

Upon a Wednesday we arrived at Saybrook, where we 
lay Windbouncl until Friday ; often consulting how and 
in what manner we should proceed in our Enterprize, be- 
ing altogether ignorant of the Country. At length we 
concluded, God assisting us, for Narragansett, and so to 

* Onkos ; usually called Uncas, the Groat Sachem of the Moheags. 
f Mr. Increase Mather in his History of the Pcquot War. says this was on May 15. 


March through their Country, which Bordered upon the 
Enemy ; where lived a great People, it being about fif- 
teen Leagues beyond Pequot ; The Grounds and Rea- 
sons of our so Acting you shall presently understand : 
* First; The Pequots our Enemies, kept a continual 

* Guard upon the River Night and Day. 

' Secondly, their Numbers far exceeded ours ; having 

* sixteen Guns with Powder and Shot, as we were inform- 

* ed by the two Captives forementioned (where we declar- 
' ed the Grounds of this War) who were taken by the 

* Dutch and restored to us at Savbrook ; which indeed 

* was a very friendly Office and not to be forgotten. 

4 Thirdly, They were on Land, and being swift on Foot, 

* might much impede our Landing, and possibly disheart- 
<en our Men ; we being expected only by Land, there 
' being no other Place to go on Shoar but in that River, 
6 nearer than Narragansett. 

' Fourthly, By Narragansett we should come upon their 
' Backs, and possibly might surprize them unawares, at 

* worst we should be on firm Land as well as they.' All 
which proved very successful as the Sequel may evident- 
ly demonstrate. 

But yet for all this our Counsel, all of them except the 
Captain, were at a stand, and could not judge it meet to 
sail to Narragansett : And indeed there was a very strong 
Ground for it ; our Commission limiting us to land our 
Men in Pequot River ; we had also the same Order by a 
Letter of Instruction sent us to Saybrook. 

But Capt. Mason apprehending an exceeding great 
Hazard in so doing, for the Reasons forementioned, as 
also some other which I shall forbear to trouble you with, 
did therefore earnestly desire Mr. Stone that he would 
commend our Condition to the Lord, that Night, to di- 
rect how and in what manner we should demean our- 
selves in that Respect : He being our Chaplin and lying 
aboard our Pink, the Captain on Shoar. In the Morning 
very early Mr. Stone came ashoar to the Captain's Cham- 
ber, and told him, he had done as he had desired, and 
was fully satisfied to *ai3 for Narragansett. Our Council 
was then called, and the several Reasons aUedged : In 


fine we all agreed with one accord to sail for Narragan- 
sett, which the next Morning we put in Execution. 

I declare not this to encourage any Soldiers to Act be- 
yond their Commission, or contrary to it ; for in so doing 
they run a double Hazard. There was a great Com- 
mander in Belgia who did the States great Service in tak- 
ing a City ; but by going beyond his Commission lost 
his Life : His name was Grubbendunk. But if a War 
be Managed duly by Judgment and Discretion as is re- 
quisite, the Shews are many times contrary to what they 
seem to pursue : Whereof the more an Enterprize is 
dissembled and kept secret, the more facil to put in Ex- 
ecution ; as the Proverb, The farthest way about is some- 
times the nearest way home. I shall make bold to pre- 
sent this as my present Thoughts in this Case ; In Mat- 
ters of War, those who are both able and faithful should 
be improved ; and then bind them not up into too narrow 
a Compass : For it is not possible for the wisest and 
ablest Senator to foresee all Accidents and Occurrents 
that fall out in the Management and Pursuit of a War : 
Nay although possibly he might be trained up in Milita- 
ry Affairs ; and truly much less can he have any great 
Knowledge who hath had but little Experience therein. 
What shall I say ? God led his People through many Diffi- 
culties and Turnings ; yet by more than an ordinary 
Hand of Providence he brought them to Canaan at last. 

On Friday Morning we set Sail for Narragansett-Bay ? 
and on Saturday towards Evening we arrived at our desi- 
red Port, there we kept the Sabbath. 

On the Monday the Wind blew so hard at North- 
West that we could not go on Shoar ; as also on the 
Tuesday until Sun set ; at which time Capt. Mason land- 
ed and Marched up to the Place of the Chief Sachem's 
Residence ; who told the Sachem, ' That we had not an 
* opportunity to acquaint him with our coming Armed in 
1 his Country sooner ; yet not doubting but it would be 
1 well accepted by him, there being Love betwixt himself 
' and us ; well knowing also that the Pequots and them- 
' selves were Enemies, and that he could not be unac- 
' quainted with those intolerable Wrongs and Injuries 


6 these Pequots had lately done unto the English ; and 
' that we were now come, God assisting, to Avenge our 
6 selves upon them ; and that we did only desire free Pas- 
i sage through his Country.' Who returned us this An- 
swer, ' That he did accept of our coming, and did also 
' approve of our Design ; only he thought our Numbers 
4 were too weak to deal with the Enemy, who were (as 
' he said) very great Captains and Men skilful in War.' 
Thus he spake somewhat slighting of us. 

On the Wednesday Morning, we Marched from thence 
to a Place called Nayanticke, it being about eighteen or 
twenty miles distant, where another of those Narragansett 
Sachems lived in a Fort ; it being a Frontier to the Pe- 
quots. They carryed very proudly towards us ; not per- 
mitting any of us to come into their Fort. 

We beholding their Carriage and the Falsehood of In- 
dians, and fearing least they might discover us to the En- 
emy, especially they having many times some of their 
near Relations among their greatest Foes ; we therefore 
caused a strong Guard to be set about their Fort, giving 
Charge that no Indian should be suffered to pass in or 
out : We also informed the Indians, that none of them 
should stir out of the Fort upon peril of their Lives : 
so as they would not suffer any of us to come into their 
Fort, so we would not suffer any of them to go out of 
the Fort. 

There we quartered that Night, the Indians not offer- 
ing to stir out all the while. 

In the Morning there came to us several of Miantomo* 
his Men, who told us, they were come to assist us in our 
Expedition, which encouraged divers Indians of that 
Place to Engage also ; who suddenly gathering into a 
Ring, one by one, making solemn Protestations how gal- 
liantly they would demean themselves, and how many 
Men they would Kill. 

On the Thursday about eight of the Clock in the 
Morning, we Marched thence towards Pequot, with 
about five hundred Indians : But through the Heat of the 

* lie was usually called Miantonimo the Great Sachem of the Narragansett 


Weather and want of Provisions some of our Men faint- 
ed : And having Marched about twelve Miles, we came 
to Pawcatuck River, at a Ford where our Indians told us 
the Pequots did usually Fish ; there making an Alta, we 
stayed some small time : The Narragansett Indians man- 
ifesting great Fear, in so much that many of them return- 
ed, although they had frequently despised us, saying, 
That we durst not look upon a Pequot, but themselves 
would perform great Things ; though we had often told 
them that we came on purpose and were resolved, God 
assisting, to see the Pequots, and to fight with them, be- 
fore we returned, though we perished. I then enquired 
of Onkos, what he thought the Indians would do ? Who 
said, The Narragansetts would all leave us, but as for 
Himself He would never leave us : and so it proved : 
For which Expressions and some other Speeches of his, 
I shall never forget him. Indeed he was a great Friend, 
and did great Service. 

And after we had refreshed our selves with our mean 
Commons, we Marched about three Miles, and came to 
a Field which had lately been planted with Indian Corn : 
There we made another Alt, and called our Council, sup- 
posing we drew near to the Enemy : and being inform- 
ed by the Indians that the Enemy had two Forts almost 
impregnable ; but we were not at all Discouraged, but 
rather Animated, in so much that we were resolved to 
Assault both their Forts at once. But understanding 
that one of them was so remote that we could not come 
up with it before Midnight, though we Marched hard ; 
whereat we were much grieved, chiefly because the great- 
est and bloodiest Sachem there resided, whose name was 
Sassacous : We were then constrained, being exceeding- 
ly spent in our March with extream Heat and want of 
Necessaries, to accept of the nearest. 

We then Marching on in a silent Manner, the Indians 
that remained fell all into the Rear, who formerly kept 
the Van ; (being possessed with great Fear) we continu- 
ed our March till about one Hour in the Night : and 
coming to a little Swamp between two Hills, there 
we pitched our little Camp ; much wearied with hard 
19 vol. VIII. 


Travel, keeping great Silence, supposing we were very 
near the Fort ; as our Indians informed us ; which prov- 
ed otherwise : The Rocks were our Pillows ; yet Rest 
was pleasant : The Night proved Comfortable, being 
clear and Moon Light : We appointed our Guards and 
placed our Sentinels at some distance ; who heard^ the 
Enemy Singing at the Fort, who continued that Strain 
until Midnight, with great Insulting and Rejoycing, as we 
were afterwards informed : They seeing our Pinnaces 
sail by them some Days before, concluded we were afraid 
of them and durst not come near them ; the Burthen of 
their Song tending to that purpose. 

In the Morning, we awaking and seeing it very light, 
supposing it had been day, and so we might have lost our 
Opportunity, having purposed to make our Assault be- 
fore Day ; rowsed the Men with all expedition, and 
briefly commended ourselves and Design to God, think- 
ing immediately to go to the Assault ; the Indians shew- 
ing us a Path, told us that it led directly to the Fort. 
We held on our March about two Miles, wondering that 
we came not to the Fort, and fearing we might be delu- 
ded : But seeing Corn newly planted at the Foot of a 
great Hill, supposing the Fort was not far off, a Cham- 
pion Country being round about us ; then making a 
stand, gave the Word for some of the Indians to come 
up : At length Onkos and one Wequash appeared ; We 
demanded of them, Where was the Fort ? They answer- 
ed On the Top of that Hill : Then we demanded, 
Where were the Rest of the Indians ? They answered, 
Behind, exceedingly afraid : We wished them to tell the 
rest of their Fellows, That they should by no means Fly, 
but stand at what distance they pleased, and see whether 
English Men would now Fight or not. Then Capt. Un- 
derbill came up, who Marched in the Rear ; and com- 
mending ourselves to God, divided our Men : There be- 
ing two Entrances into the Fort, intending to enter both 
at once : Captain Mason leading up to that on the North 
East Side ; who approaching within one Rod, heard a 
Dog bark and an Indian crying Owanux ! Owanux ! 
which is Englishmen ! Englishmen ! We called up our 


Forces with all expedition, gave Fire upon them through 
the Pallizado ; the Indians being in a dead indeed their 
last Sleep : Then we wheeling off fell upon the main 
Entrance, which was blocked up with Bushes about Breast 
high, over which the Captain passed, intending to make 
good the Entrance, encouraging the rest to follow. 
Lieutenant Seeley endeavoured to enter ; but being some- 
what cumbred, stepped back and pulled out the Bushes 
and so entred, and with him about sixteen Men : We had 
formerly concluded to destroy them by the Sword and 
save the Plunder. 

Whereupon Captain Mason seeing no Indians, entred 
a Wigwam ; where he was beset with many Indians, 
waiting all opportunities to lay Hands on him, but could 
not prevail. At length William Heydon espying the 
Breach irj the Wigwam, supposing some English might 
be there, entred ; but in his Entrance fell over a dead In- 
dian ; but speedily recovering himself, the Indians some 
fled, others crept under their Beds : The Captain going 
out of the Wigwam saw many Indians in the Lane or 
Street ; he making towards them, they fled, were pursu- 
ed to the End of the Lane, where they were met by 
Edward Pattison, Thomas Barber, with some others ; 
where seven of them were Slain, as they said. The 
Captain facing about, Marched a slow Pace up the Lane 
he came down, perceiving himself very much out of 
Breath ; and coming to the other End near the Place 
where he first entred, saw two Soldiers standing close to 
the Pallizado with their Swords pointed to the Ground : 
The Captain told them that We should never kill them 
after that manner : The Captain also said, We must 
Burn them ; and immediately stepping into the Wigwam 
where he had been before, brought out a Firebrand, 
and putting it into the Matts with which they were cov- 
ered, set the Wigwams on Fire. Lieutenant Thomas 
Bull and Nicholas Omsted beholding, came up ; and 
when it was thoroughly kindled, the Indians ran as Men 
most dreadfully Amazed. 

And indeed such a dreadful Terror did the Almighty 
let fall upon their Spirits, that they would fly from us 


and run into the very Flames, where many of them pe- 
rished. And when the Fort was thoroughly Fired, Com- 
mand was given, that all should foil off and surround the 
Fort ; which was readily attended by all ; only one Ar- 
thur Smith being so wounded that he could not move 
out of the Place, who was happily espied by Lieutenant 
Bull, and by him rescued. 

The Fire was kindled on the North East Side to wind- 
ward ; which did swiftly over-run the Fort, to the ex- 
tream Amazement of the Enemy, and great Rejoycing of 
our selves. Some of them climbing to the Top of the 
Pallizado ; others of them running into the very Flames; 
many of them gathering to windward, lay pelting at us 
with their Arrows ; and we repayed them with our small 
Shot : Others of the Stoutest issued forth, as we did 
guess, to the Number of Forty, who perished by the 

What I have formerly said, is according to my own 
Knowledge, there being sufficient living Testimony to 
every Particular. 

But in reference to Captain Underbill and his Parties act- 
ing in this Assault, I can only intimate as we were inform- 
ed by some of themselves immediately after the Fight, 
Thus They Marching up to the Entrance on the South 
West Side, there made some Pause; a valiant, resolute 
Gentleman, one Mr. Hedge, stepping towards the Gate, 
saving, If we may not Enter, wherefore came we here ; 
and immediately endeavoured to Enter ; but was oppos- 
ed by a sturdy Indian which did impede his Entrance ; but 
the Indian being slain by himself and Sergeant Davis, 
Mr. Hedge Entred the Fort with some others ; but 
the Fort being on Fire, the Srnoak and Flames were so 
violent that they were constrained to desert the Fort. 

Thus were they now at their W^its End, who not 
many Hours before exalted themselves in their great 
Pride, threatning and resolving the utter Ruin and De- 
struction of all the English, Exulting and Rejoycing with 
Songs and Dances : But God was above them, who 
laughed his Enemies and the Enemies of his People to 
Scorn, making them as a fiery Oven : Thus were the 


Stout Hearted spoiled, having slept their last Sleep, and 
none of their Men could find their Hands : Thus did the 
Lord judge among the Heathen, filling the Place with 
dead Bodies ! 

And here we may see the just Judgment of God, in 
sending even the very Night before this Assault, One 
hundred and fifty Men from their other Fort, to join with 
them of that Place, who were designed as some of them- 
selves reported to go forth against the English, at thai 
very Instant when this heavy Stroak came upon them, 
where they perished with their Fellows. So that the 
Mischief they intended to us, came upon their own Pate : 
They were taken in their own snare, and we through 
Mercy escaped. And thus in little more than one 
Hour's space was their impregnable Fort with themselves 
utterly Destroyed, to the Number of six or seven Hun- 
dred, as some of themselves confessed. There were 
only seven taken captive, and about seven escaped.* 

Of the English, there were two Slain outright, and 
about twenty Wounded : Some Fainted by reason of the 
sharpness of the Weather, it being a cool Morning, and 
the want of such Comforts and Necessaries as w 7 ere 
needful in such a Case ; especially our Chyrurgeon was 
much wanting, whom we left with our Barks in Narra- 
gansett Bay, who had Order there to remain until the 
Night before our intended Assault. 

And thereupon grew many Difficulties : Our Provi- 
sion and Munition near spent ; we in the enemies Coun- 
try, who did far exceed us in Number, being much en- 
raged : all our Indians, except Onkos, deserting us ; our 
Pinnaces at a great distance from us, and when they 
would come we were uncertain. 

But as we were consulting what Course to take, it 
pleased God to discover our Vessels to us before a fair 
Gale of Wind, sailing into Pequot Harbour, to our great 

We had no sooner discovered our Vessels, but imme- 

* The place of the Fort being called Mistick, this Fight was called Mistick Fight : 
And Mr. Increase Mather, from a Manuscript he met with, tolls us ; It was on Friday, 
May 26. 1637, a memorable Dav ! 


diately came up the Enemy from the other Fort ; Three 
Hundred or more as we conceived. The Captain lead 
out a file or two of Men to Skirmish with them, chiefly 
to try what temper they were of, who put them to a 
stand : we being much encouraged thereat, presently 
prepared to March towards our Vessels : Four or Five 
of our Men were so wounded that they must be carried 
with the Arms of twenty more. We also being faint, 
were constrained to put four to one Man, with the Arms 
of the rest that were wounded to others ; so that we had 
not above forty Men free : at length we hired several In- 
dians, who eased us of that Burthen, in carrying of our 
wounded Men. And Marching about one quarter of a 
Mile ; the Enemy coming up to the Place where the 
Fort was, and beholding what was done, stamped and 
tore the Hair from their Heads : And after a little space, 
came mounting down the Hill upon us, in a full career, as 
if they would over run us ; But when they came within 
Shot, the Rear faced about, giving Fire upon them : 
Some of them being Shot, made the rest more wary : 
Yet they held on running to and fro, and shooting their 
Arrows at Random. There was at the Foot of the Hill 
a small Brook, where we rested and refreshed our selves, 
having by that time taught them a little more Manners 
than to disturb us. 

We then Marched on towards Pequot Harboiir ; and 
falling upon several Wigwams, burnt them : The Ene- 
my still following us in the Rear, which was to wind- 
ward, though to little purpose ; yet some of them lay in 
Ambush behind Rocks and Trees, often shooting at us, 
yet through Mercy touched not one of us ; And as we 
came to any Swamp or Thicket, we made some Shot to 
clear the Passage. Some of them fell with our Shot ; 
and probably more might, but for want of Munition : 
But when any of them fell, our Indians would give a 
great Shout, and then would they take so much Cour- 
age as to fetch their Heads. And thus we continued, 
until we came within two Miles of Pequot Harbour ; 
where the Enemy gathered together and left us ; we 
Marching on to the Top of an Hill adjoining to the 


Harbour, with our Colours flying ; having left our Drum 
at the Place of our Rendezvous the Night before : We 
seeing our Vessels there Riding at Anchor, to our great 
Rej eyeing, and came to the Water-Side, we there sat 
down in Quiet. 

Captain Patrick being Arrived there with our Vessels, 
who as we were informed was sent with Forty Men by the 
Massachusetts Colony, upon some Service against the 
Block Islanders ; Who coming to the Shore in our Shal- 
lop with all his Company, as he said to Rescue us, sup- 
posing we were pursued, though there did not appear any 
the least sign of such a Tiling. 

But we could not prevail with Him by any Means to 
put his Men ashore, that so we might carry our Wounded 
Men a Board ; although it was our own Boat in which 
he was : We were very much Troubled ; but knew not 
how to help our selves. At length we were fetched a 
Board to the great Rejoycing of our Friends. 

Shorty after our coming a Board, there fell out a great 
Contest between Captain Underbill and Capt. Patrick : 
Captain Underhill claiming an Interest in the Bark where 
Captain Patrick was, which indeed was Underbill's Right ; 
The Contest grew to a great Heighth. At length we 
propounded, that if Patrick would Ride there with that 
Bark in Contention, and secure the Narragansett Indians, 
it being also the Place of Rendezvous to those Vessels 
that were expected from Massachuset, until we Trans- 
ported our Wounded Men to Saybrook five Leagues dis- 
tant; then we would immediately return our Pink to con- 
vey the Narragansetts home : The which Captain Patrick 
seemed very readily to accept. 

Capt. Underhill soon after set sail in one of our Barks 
for Saybrook : But before he was out of Sight ; Captain 
Patrick signified by Writing, that he could not attend 
that Service, but he must wait for the Bay Vessels at 
Saybrook, wishing us, having the Honour of that Service 
to compleat it, by securing the Narragansett Indians; 
which at first seemed very Difficult, if not Impossible : 
For our Pink could not receive them, and to march by 
Land was very Dangerous ; it being near twenty Miles 


in the Enemies Country, our Numbers being much weak- 
ened, we were then about twenty Men ; the rest we had 
sent home for fear of the Pequots Invasion. But abso- 
lutely necessitated to March by Land, we hasted ashore, 
with our Indians and small Numbers. Captain Patrick 
seeing what we intended, came ashore also with his Men ; 
although in truth we did not desire or delight in his Com- 
pany, and so we plainly told him : However he would 
and did March a long with us. 

About the midway between that and Saybrook, we fell 
upon a People called Nayanticks, belonging to the Pe- 
quots, who fled to a Swamp for Refuge : They hearing 
or espying of us, fled : we pursued them a while by the 
Track as long as they kept together : But being much 
spent with former Travel, and the Sabbath drawing on, 
it being about Two or Three of the Clock on the Satur- 
day in the Afternoon ; we leaving our Pursuit, hasted to- 
wards Saybrook, about Sun set we Arrived at Connec- 
ticut River Side ; being nobly Entertained by Lieutenant 
Gardner with many great Guns : But were forced there 
to Quarter that Night : On the Morrow we were all fetch- 
ed over to Saybrook, receiving many Courtesies from 
Lieut. Gardner. 

And when we had taken Order for the safe Conduct of 
the Narragansett Indians, we repaired to the Place of our 
Abode : where we were Entertained with great Triumph 
and Rejoycing and Praising God for his Goodness to us, 
in succeeding our weak Endeavours, in Crowning us 
with Success, and restoring of us with so little Loss. 
Thus was God seen in the Mount, Crushing his proud 
Enemies and the Enemies of his People : They who 
were ere while a Terror to all that were round about 
them, who resolved to Destroy all the English and to Root 
their very Name out of this Country, should by such 
weak Means, even Seventy seven (there being no more at 
the Fort) bring the Mischief they plotted, and the Vio- 
lence they offered and exercised, upon their own Heads 
in a Moment : burning them up in the fire of his Wrath, 
and dunging the Ground with their Flesh : It w T as the 
Lord's Doings, and it is marvellous in our Eyes ! It is He 


that hath made his Work wonderful, and therefore ought 
to be remembred. 

Immediately the whole Body of Pequots repaired to that 
Fort where Sassacous the Chief Sachem did reside ; 
charging him that he was the only Cause of all the Trou- 
bles that had befallen them ; and therefore they would 
Destroy both him and his : But by the Intreaty of their 
Counsellors they spared his Life ; and consulting what 
Course to take, concluded there was no abiding any long- 
er in their Country, and so resolved to fly into several 
Parts. The greatest Body of them went towards Man- 
hatance :* And passing over Connecticut, they met with 
three English Men in a Shallop going for Saybrook, 
whom they slew : The English Fought very stoutly, as 
themselves confessed, Wounding many of the Enemy. 

About a Fortnight after our Return home, which was 
about one Month after the Fight at Mistick, there Arrived 
in Pequot River several Vessels from the Massachusetts, 
Captain Israel Stoughton being Commander in Chief; 
and with him about One hundred and twenty Men ; 
being sent by that Colony to pursue the War against the 
Pequots : The Enemy being all fled before they came, 
except some few Straglers, who were surprised by the 
Moheags and others of the Indians, and by them deliver- 
ed to the Massachusetts Soldiers. 

Connecticut Colony being informed hereof, sent forth- 
with forty Men, Captain Mason being Chief Comman- 
der ; with some other Gent, to meet those of the Massa- 
chusetts, to consider what was necessary to be attended 
respecting the future : Who meeting with them of the 
Massachusetts in Pequot Harbour ; after some time of 
consultation, concluded to pursue those Pequots that 
were fled towards Manhatance, and so forthwith March- 
ed after them, discovering several Places where they Ren- 
dezvoused and lodged not far distant from their several 
Removes ; making but little haste, by reason of their Chil- 
dren, and want of Provision ; being forced to dig for 

* I suppose this the same which is sometimes called Manhatan or Manhatoes: 
whirl) is since called New York. 

20 vol. vn r. 


Clams, and to procure such other things as the Wilder- 
ness afforded : Our Vessels sailing along by the Shore. 
In about the space of three Days we all Arrived at New 
Haven Harbour, then called Quinnypiag. And seeing a 
great Smoak in the Woods not far distant, we supposing 
some of the Pequots our Enemies might be there ; we 
hastened ashore, but quickly discovered them to be Con- 
necticut Indians. Then we returned aboard our Vessels, 
where we stayed some short time, having sent a Pequot 
Captive upon discovery, we named him Luz ; who 
brought us Tydings of the Enemy, which proved true : 
so faithful was he to us, though against his own Nation. 
Such was the Terror of the English upon them; that a 
Moheage Indian named Jack Eatow going ashore at that 
time, met with three Pequots, took two of them and 
brought them aboard. 

We then hastened our march towards the Place where 
the Enemy was : And coming into a Corn Field, several 
of the English espyed some Indians, who fled from them : 
They pursued them ; and coming to the Top of an Hill, 
saw several Wigwams just opposite, only a Swamp inter- 
vening, which was almost divided in two Parts. Ser- 
geant Palmer hastening with about twelve Men who were 
under his Command to surround the smaller Part of the 
Swamp, that so He might prevent the Indians flying ; 
Ensign Banport,* Sergeant Jeffries &c, entering the 
Swamp, intended to have gone to the Wigwams, were 
there set upon by eeveml Indians, who in all probability 
were deterred by Sergeant Palmer. In this Skirmish the 
English slew but few ; two or three of themselves were 
Wounded : The rest of the English coming up, the 
Swamp was surrounded. 

Our Council being called, and the Question propound- 
ed, How we should proceed, Captain Patrick advised that 
we should cut down the Swamp ; there being many In- 
dian Hatchets taken, Captain Traske concurring with him; 
but was opposed by others : Then we must pallizado the 
Swamp ; which was also opposed : Then they would have 

* It should be Davenport, who was afterwards Captain of the Castle in Boston 


a Hedge made like those of Gotham ; all which was judg- 
ed by some almost impossible, and to no purpose, and 
that for several Reasons, and therefore strongly opposed. 
But some others advised to force the Swamp, having time 
enough, it being about three of the Clock in the After- 
noon : But that being opposed, it was then propounded 
to draw up our Men close to the Swamp, which would 
much have lessened the Circumference ; and with all to 
fill up the open Passages with Bushes, that so we might 
secure them until the Morning, and then we might con- 
sider further about it. But neither of these would pass ; 
so different were our Apprehensions ; which was very 
grievous to some of us, who concluded the Indians would 
make an Escape in the Night, as easily they might and 
did : We keeping at a great distance, what beter could 
be expected ? Yet Captain Mason took Order that the 
Narrow in the Swamp should be cut through ; which did 
much shorten our Leaguer. It was resolutely performed 
by Serjeant Davis. 

We being loth to destroy Women and Children, as 
also the Indians belonging to that Place ; whereupon Mr. 
Tho. Stanton a Man well acquainted with Indian Lan- 
guage and Manners, offered his Service to go into the 
Swamp and treat with them : To which we were some- 
what backward, by reason of some Hazard and Danger 
he might be exposed unto : But his importunity prevail- 
ed : Who going to them, did in a short time return to us, 
with near Two Hundred old Men, Women and Chil- 
dren ; who delivered themselves, to the Mercy of the En- 
glish. And so Night drawing on, w 7 e beleaguered them 
as strongly as we could. About half an Hour before 
Day, the Indians that were in the Swamp attempted to 
break through Captain Patrick's Quarters; but were 
beaten back several times ; they making a great Noise, as 
their Manner is at such Times, it sounded round about 
our Leaguer : Whereupon Captain Mason sent Sergeant 
Stares to inquire into the Cause, and also to assist if need 
required ; Capt. Traske coming also in to their Assist- 
ance : But the Tumult growing to a very great Heighth, 
we raised our Siege ; and Marching up to the Place, at a 


Turning of the Swamp the Indians were forcing out upon 
us ; but we sent the in back by our small Shot. 

We waiting a little for a second Attempt ; the Indians 
in the mean time facing about, pressed violently upon 
Captain Patrick, breaking through his Quarters, and so 
escaped. They were about sixty or seventy as we were 
informed. We afterwards searched the Swamp, and found 
but few Slain. The Captives we took were about One 
Hundred and Eighty ; whom we divided, intending to 
keep them as Servants, but they could not. endure that 
Yoke ; few of them continuing any considerable time with 
their masters. 

Thus did the Lord scatter his Enemies with his strong 
Arm ! The Pequots now became a Prey to all Indians. 
Happy were they that could bring in their Heads to the 
English: Of which there came almost daily to Winsor, or 
Hartford. But the Pequots growing weary hereof, sent 
some of the Chief that survived to mediate with the En- 
glish ; offering that If they might but enjoy their Lives, 
they would become the English Vassals, to dispose of 
them as they pleased. Which was granted them. Where- 
upon Onkos and Myantonimo were sent for ; who with 
the Pequots met at Hartford. The Pequots being de- 
manded, how many of them were then living ? Answered, 
about One Hundred and Eighty, or two Hundred. 
There were then given to Onkos, Sachem of Monheag, 
Eighty ; to Myantonimo, Sachem of Narragansett, Eigh- 
ty ; and to Nynigrett,* Twenty, when he should satisfy 
for a Mare of Edward Pomroye's killed by his Men. The 
Pequots were then bound by Covenant, That none should 
inhabit their native Country, nor should any of them be 
called Pequots any more, but Moheags and Narragansetts 
forever. Shortly after, about Forty of them went to Mo- 
heag ; others went to Long Island ; the rest settled at Paw- 
catuck, a Place in Pequot Country, contrary to their late 
Covenant and Agreement with the English. 

Which Connecticut taking into Consideration, and well 
weighing the several Inconveniences that might ensue : 

v lie was usually called Ninnicraft. 


for the Prevention whereof, they sent out forty Men un- 
der the command of Captain John Mason, to supplant 
them, by burning their Wigwams, and bringing away 
their Corn, except they would desert the Place : Onkos 
with about One Hundred of his Men in twenty Canoes, 
going also to assist in the Service. As we sailed into Paw- 
catuck-Bay We met with three of those Indians, whom we 
sent to inform the rest with the end of our coming, and 
also that we desired to speak with some of them : They 
promised speedily to return us an Answer, but never came 
to us more. 

We run our Vessel up into a small River, and by rea- 
son of Flatts were forced to land on the West Side ; their 
Wigwams being on the East just opposite, where we 
could see the Indians running up and down Jeering of us. 
But we meeting with a narrow place in the River be- 
tween two rocks, drew up our Indians Canoes, and got 
suddenly over sooner than we were expected or desir- 
ed ; Marching immediately up to their Wigwams ; 
the Indians being all fled, except some old People that 
could not. 

W r e were so suddenly upon them that they had not 
time to convey away their Goods : We viewed their 
Corn, whereof there was Plenty, it being their time of 
Harvest : And coming down to the Water Side to our 
Pinnace with half of Onkos's his Men, the rest being 
plundering the Wigwams ; we looSdng towards a Hill not 
far remote, we espyed about sixty Indians running to- 
wards us ; we supposing they were our absent Men, the 
Moheags that were with us not speaking one word, nor 
moving towards them until the other came within thirty 
or forty paces of them ; then they run and met them and 
fell on pell mell striking and cutting with Bows, Hatch- 
ets, Knives, &c. after their feeble Manner : Indeed it did 
hardly deserve the Name of Fighting. We then endea- 
voured to get between them and the Woods, that so we 
might prevent their flying ; which they perceiving, en- 
deavoured speedily to get off under the beach : we made 
no Shot at them, nor any hostile Attempt upon them. 
Only seven of them who were Nynigrett's Men, w&e 


taken. Some of them growing very outragious, whom 
we intended to have made shorter by the Head ; and be- 
ing about to put it in Execution ; one Otash a Sachem 
of Narragansett, Brother to Myantonimo stepping forth, 
told the Captain, They were his Brother's Men, and that 
he was a Friend to the English, and if he would spare 
their Lives we should have as many Murtherer's Heads 
in lieu of them which should be delivered to the English. 
We considering that there was no Blood shed as yet, and 
that it tended to Peace and Mercy, granted his Desire ; 
and so delivered them to Onkos to secure them until his 
Engagement was performed, because our Prison had 
been very much pestered with such Creatures. 

We then drew our Bark into a Creek, the better to 
defend her ; for there were many Hundreds, within five 
Miles waiting upon us. There we Quartered that Night : 
In the Morning as soon as it was Light there appeared in 
Arms at least Three Hundred Indians on the other Side 
the Creek : Upon which we stood to our Arms ; which 
they perceiving, some of them fied, others crept behind 
the Rocks and Trees, not one of them to be seen. We 
then called to them, saying, We desired to speak with 
them, and that we would down our Arms for that end : 
Whereupon they stood up : We then informed them, 
That the Pequots had violated their Promise with the 
English, in that thev were not there to inhabit, and that 
we w r ere sent to supplant them : They answered saving, 
The Pequots were good Men, their Friends, and they 
would Fight for them, and protect them : At which we 
were somew r hat moved, and told them, It was not far to 
the Head of the Creek where we would meet them, and 
then they might try what they could do in that Respect. 

They then replied, That they would not Fight with 
English Men, for they were Spirits, but would Fight 
with Onkos. We replyed, That we thought it was too 
early for them to Fight/ but they might take their oppor- 
tunity ; we should be burning Wigwams, and carrying 
Corn aboard ail that Day. And presently beating up 
our Drum, we Fired the Wigwams in their View : And 
as we Marched, there were two Indians srandinir upon a 


Hill jeering and reviling of us : Mr. Thomas Stanton 
our Interpreter, Marching at Liberty, desired to make a 
Shot at them ; the Captain demanding of the Indians. 
What they were ? Who said, They were Murtherers : 
Then the said Stanton having leave, let fly, Shot one of 
them through both his Thighs ; which was to our Won- 
derment, it being at such a vast distance. 

We then loaded our Bark with Corn ; and our Indians 
their Canoes : And thirty more which we had taken, 
with Kittles, Trays, Mats, and other Indian Luggage, 
That Night we went all aboard, and set Sail homeward : 
It pleased God in a short Time to bring us all in safety 
to the Place of our Abode ; although we strook and 
stuck upon a Rock. The Way and Manner how God 
dealt with us in our Delivery was very Remarkable ; 
The Story would be somewhat long to trouble you with 
at this time ; and therefore I shall forbear. 

Thus we may see, How the Face of God is set against 
them that do Evil, to cut off the Remembrance of them 
from the Earth. Our Tongue shall talk of thy Righte- 
ousness all the Day long ; for they are confounded, they 
are brought to Shame that sought our Hurt ! Blessed be 
the Lord God of Israel, who only doth wondrous Things ; 
and blessed be his holy Name for ever : Let the whole 
Earth be filled with his Glory ! Thus the Lord was pleas- 
ed to smite our Enemies in the hinder Parts, and to give 
us their Land for an Inheritance : Who remembred us 
in our low Estate, and redeemed us out of our Enemies 
Hands : Let us therefore praise the Lord for his Goodness 
and his wonderful Works to the Children of Men ! 


I shall add a Word or two by way of Commt* 

Our Commons were very short, there being a general 
scarcity throughout the Colony of all sorts of Provision, 
it being upon our first Arrival at the Place. We had 
but one Pint of strong Liquors among us in our whole 


March, but what the Wilderness afforded ; (the Bottle of 
Liquor being in my Hand) and when it was empty, the 
very smelling to the Bottle would presently recover such 
as Fainted away, which happened by the extremity of the 
Heat: And thus we Marched on in an uncoath and un- 
known Path to the English, though much frequented by 
Indians. And was not the Finger of God in all this ? 
By his special Providence to lead us along in the Way 
we should go : Nay though we knew not where their 
Forts were, how far it was to them, nor the Way that led 
to them, but by what we had from our Indian Guides ; 
whom we could not confide in, but looked at them as 
uncertain : And yet notwithstanding all our Doubts, we 
should be brought on the very fittest Season ; nay and 
which is yet more, that we should be carried in our 
March among a treacherous and perfidious People, yea in 
our allodgment so near the Enemy, all Night in so popu- 
lous a Country, and not the least notice of us ; seemeth 
somewhat strange, and more than ordinary : Nay that 
we should come to their very Doors : What shall I say : 
God was pleased to hide us in the Hollow of his Hand ; 
I still remember a Speech of Mr. Hooker at our going 
aboard ; That they should be Bread for us. And thus 
when the Lord turned the Captivity of his People, and 
turned the Wheel upon their Enemies ; we were like 
Men in a Dream ; then was our Mouth filled with 
Laughter, and our Tongues with Singing ; thus we may 
say the Lord hath done great Things for us among the 
Heathen, whereof we are glad. Praise ye the Lord ! 

I shall mention tw r o or three special Providences that 
God was pleased to vouchsafe to Particular Men ; viz. 
two Men, being one Man's Servants, namely, John Dier 
and Thomas Stiles, were both of them Shot in the Knots 
of their Handkerchiefs, being about their Necks, and re- 
ceived no Hurt. Lieutenant Seeley was Shot in the 
Eyebrow with a flat headed Arrow, the Point turning 
downwards : I pulled it out myself. Lieutenant Bull 
had an Arrow Shot into a hard piece of Cheese, having 
no other Defence : Which may verify the old Saying, A 
little Armour would serve if a Man knew where to place 


it. Many such Providences happened ; some respecting 
my self; but since there is none that Witness to them, I 
shall forbear to mention them. 

The Year ensuing, the Colony being in extream Want 
of Provision, many giving twelve Shillings for one Bush- 
el of Indian Corn ; the Court of Connecticut imploying 
Captain Mason, Mr. William Wadsworth and Deacon 
Stebbin, to try what Providence would afford, for their 
Relief in this great Straight : Who notwithstanding some 
discouragement they met with from some English, went 
to a Place called Pocomtuck :* where they procured so 
much Corn at reasonable Rates, that the Indians brought 
down to Hartford and Windsor, Fifty Canoes laden with 
Corn at one time. Never was the like known to this Day ! 
So although the Lord was pleased to shew his People 
hard Things ; yet did he execute Judgment for the Op- 
pressed, and gave Food to the Hungry. O let us medi- 
tate on the Great Works of God : Ascribing all Blessing 
and Praise to his Great Name, for all his Great Goodness 
and Salvation ! Amen, Amen, 



Original Account of Braddock's Defeat. 

Fort Cumberland, July 18th, 1755. 
Dear Sir, 

AM so extremely ill in bed with the wounds I receiv- 
ed in my thigh, that I am under the necessity of employ- 
ing my friend Captain Dobson to write for me. I con- 
elude you have had some account of the action near the 
banks of the Monongahela, about seven miles from the 
French fort. As the reports spread are very imperfect, 
what you have heard must consequently be so too. You 
should have had a more early account of it, but every 
officer, whose business it was to have informed you, was 
either killed or wounded ; and our distressful situation 
put it out of our power to attend to it so much as we 

* Since called Deerfield . 
21 VOL. VTH. 


could otherwise have done. * The 9th instant we passed 
and repassed the Monongahela by advancing first a party 
of 300 men, which was immediately followed by another 
of 200. The general, with the column of artillery, bag- 
gage, and the main body of the army, passed the river the 
last time about one o'clock. As soon as the whole had 
got on the fort side of the Monongahela we heard a very 
heavy and quick fire in our front. We immediately 
advanced in order to sustain them ; but the detachment 
of the 200 and 300 men gave way and fell back upon us, 
which caused such confusion, and struck so great a pan- 
ick among our men, that afterwards no military expedi- 
ent could be made use of, that had any effect upon them. 
The men were so extremely deaf to the exhortations of 
the general and the officers, that they fired away, in the 
most irregular manner, all their ammunition, and then 
run oft' leaving the enemy their artillery, ammunition, 
provision and baggage ; nor could they be persuaded to 
stop till they got as far as Gist's Plantation, nor then only 
in part, many of them proceeding as far as Col. Dunbar's 
party, who lay six miles on this side. The officers were 
sacrificed by their unparalleled good behaviour ; advanc- 
ing sometimes in bodies and sometimes separately, hop- 
ing by such example to engage the soldiers to follow 
them ; but to no purpose. The general had five horses 
killed under him, and at last received a wound through 
his right arm into his lungs, of which he died the 13th 
instant. Poor Shirley was shot through the head ; Cap- 
tain Morris wounded ; Mr. Washington had two horses 
shot under him, and his clothes shot through in several 
places, he behaving the whole time with the greatest 
courage and resolution. Sir Peter Halket was killed up- 
on the spot ; Col. Burton and Sir John Sinclair wounded ; 
and inclosed I have sent you a list of killed and wounded, 
according to as exact accounts as we are yet able to get. 
Upon our proceeding with the whole convoy to the Little 
Meadow, it was found impracticable to advance in that 
manner. The general therefore advanced with 1200 
men, with the necessary artillery, ammunition, and provi- 
sion, leaving the main body of the convoy under the coin- 


mand of Col. Dunbar, with orders to join lum as soon as 
possible. In this manner we proceeded with safety and 
expedition till the fated day I have just related ; and hap- 
py it was that this disposition was made, otherwise the 
whole must either have starved or fallen into the enemies' 
hands — as numbers would have been of no service to us, 
and our provision was all lost, as our number of horses 
were so much reduced, and those extremely weak, and 
many carriages wanted for the wounded men, occasioned 
our destroying the ammunition and superfluous part of 
the provision, left in Col. Dunbar's convoy, to prevent its 
falling into the hands of the enemy. As the whole of the 
artillery is lost, and the troops arc so extremely weaken- 
ed by death, wounds and sickness, and was judged im- 
possible to make any further attempts ; therefore Col. 
Dunbar is returning to fort Cumberland, with every thing 
he is able to bring up with him. I propose remaining 
here till my wounds will surfer me to remove to Philadel- 
phia, from thence shall proceed to England. Whatsoev- 
er commands you may have for me, you will do me the 
favour to direct for me here. By the particular disposi- 
tion of the French and Indians, it was impossible to judge 
of their numbers they had that day in the field. 
I am, 

Dear sir, 

Your most obedient and 

most humble servant, 


A List of the officers who were present, and of those killed and wounded 
in action on the banks of Monongahela, the ninth day of July, 1755. 


His Excellency Edward Braddock, Esq. General and Commander in Chief 
of all his Majesty's forces in North America, 

died of his toounds. 
Robert Orme, Esq. ------- wounded. 

Roger Morris, Esq. ------- do. 

George Washington, Esq. Aid de Camp, - do, 



William Shirley, Esq. 

Sir John St. Clair, Deputy Quarter Master General, 
Mathey Lesley, Gent. Assistant to the Qr. Master Gen. 
Francis Halket, Esq. Major of Brigade. 



Sir Peter Halket, Colonel, 





Lieut. Col. Gage, 






Capt. Fulton, 














Lieut. Falconet, 















Lieut. Col. Burton, 



Lieut. Hathorne, 

Major Sparks, slightly 




Capt. Dobson, 













Lieut. Morris, 
























Capt. Ord, 


. McCloud, 


Lieut. Smith, 




Lieut. Buchanan, 



Peter McKeller, Esq. 


Williamson, Esq. 


Robert Gordon, Esq. 




Lieut. Spendelow, 


Mr. Talbot, mid. 


Mr. Hanes, mid. 







Capt. Stone, of General Lascell's regiment, hilled. 

Floyer, of General Wharbur ton's regiment, wounded. 


wounded. Lieut. Howarth of Capt. Dem- 
Jcilled. meri's, wounded. 

Lieut. Gray, of the same, do. 


wounded. Capt. Woodward, 

Wright, Jcilled. 

killed. Splitdorff, do. 

do. Stuart, wounded. 

W*******, Jcilled. 
Hamilton, Jcilled. M'Neal. 

According to the most exact return we can as yet get, about 600 men 
killed and wounded. 

A Sketch of the Life and Character of Rev. Joseph 
McKean, D. D. LL. D. late Boylston Professor of 
Rhetorick and Oratory, in Harvard University. 

JOSEPH McKEAN was born in Ipswich, county of 
Essex, Massachusetts, on the 19th of April, 1776. He 
was the youngest of five children, of whom two only re- 
main. His mother died in his earliest infancy. She was 
universally respected, by those who knew her, as a woman 
of excellent understanding; of amiable and refined man- 
ners. His father* is yet living ; and, though in his eighty 
first year, enjoys firm health, with a perfect use of his 
intellectual powers, which, like those of his body, are 
naturally strong and active. He is highly respected and 
esteemed for his scrupulous adherence to the principles 
of uprightness and integrity. 

The subject of this sketch, when a child, was remark- 
ed for activity and vivacity, and gave early indications of 
more than common powers. He acquired a knowledge 
of English grammar, and the first rudiments of classical 
literature, at a public school in Boston. In 1787 he was 

■■ Note A, at the end of the memoir. 


placed in the academy at Andover ; and was prepar- 
ed for the University by Dr. Ebenezer Pemberton, 
from whom, on leaving that seminary, he received flatter- 
ing testimonials of his talents and industry. At the 
commencement, 1790, he was admitted into Harvard 
College, at the age of fourteen years and three months. 
He had the merit, through his academical course, 
of holding a high rank at all the literary exercises of his 
class ; and in several branches was much distinguished, 
particularly in the classical studies and in mathematicks. 

Having received the degree of A. B. in 1794, he took 
charge of a school in the town of his nativity, in which 
he continued almost two years, and at the same time 
commenced' his professional studies with the Rev. Dr. 
Joseph Dana of that place. Towards this pious and 
excellent man, he retained, to the close of life, sentiments 
of grateful respect and esteem, ever acknowledging, with 
great sensibility, the important benefits he derived from 
his society, instructions and example. 

In May, 1796, he exchanged his school in Ipswich for 
the academy in Berwick, in which he passed a year and 
two months. He here made a publick profession of re- 
ligion, and attached himself to the church, under the 
pastoral care of the Rev. Mr. Thompson, with whom he 
continued his theological studies. He left Berwick in 
July, 1797, took his second degree at the University, and 
fixed his residence for a short time in Boston, where he 
finished his preparation for the ministry with the Rev. 
Dr. John Eliot, between whom and Mr. McKean, there 
ever afterwards existed an uninterrupted harmony and 
friendship, cemented and strengthened by a reciprocation 
of kind offices, and by an undisguised and confidential 
interchange of thoughts and sentiments. 

Being approved by the Boston association, he imme- 
diately commenced the exercise of his profession. His 
services were received from the first with high favour ; 
and in a short time he was invited to a settlement in Mil- 
ton. This first invitation he thought proper to accept, 
and in November, 1797, was ordained to the pastoral 


As a christian minister, he was greatly respected 
and beloved. Deeply sensible of the responsibility of 
his charge, as well as of the importance and difficulty of 
the ministerial duties, he applied himself with great in- 
tenseness to the study of his profession. He examined 
the works of criticks and commentators, and became 
well acquainted with the different views of theological 
writers. These he respected as valuable reservoirs of 
information ; but the bible was to him the only infallible 
source of information on this momentous subject. This 
was a portion of his daily study ; and from this source 
alone he extracted the doctrines of his religion, and the 
maxims of his life. He was catholick and charitable in 
his feelings, and could have pleasant communion with 
those, who differed from him on points of faith. While 
he claimed the right of judging for himself, he was will- 
ing to allow others the same privilege ; and he respected 
the sincere and pious of every denomination. 

In the pulpit, his manner was serious and fervent ; his 
discourse plain, evangelical, and persuasive. He seldom 
discussed in publick any of those merely speculative ques- 
tions, which are agitated by sectaries and polemicks, and 
which tend to produce discord and alienation among chris- 
tians. Still he withheld from his people no truths, nor 
doctrines, which he conceived to be of importance to 
the salvation of men. His discourses were always of a 
practical character. Whenever he stated any doctrines 
of the gospel, he took care to trace the moral precepts and 
duties connected with them. 

In September, 1799, he entered into the conjugal state. 
This connexion, originating in early acquaintance, and 
matured by increasing affection and esteem, was the 
foundation of great domestic felicity. In the interesting 
relations offthis state, his character was worthy to be im- 
itated by all. He took a peculiar interest in the trifling 
occurrences and innocent amusements of his little family 
circle, whose intellectual, moral, and religious improve- 
ment he was ever solicitous to promote. 

The fidelity and ability, with which for awhile he per- 
formed the ministerial duties, gave the people of his so- 


ciety the encouraging expectation of his future and 
growing usefulness among them. But it pleased the 
supreme Disposer of events to disappoint their hopes. A 
long and dangerous sickness, commencing with a pul- 
monary attack, in the summer of 1803, left him in such 
a state of debility, that he was induced, the following 
year though with great reluctance, to ask a dismission 
from his parochial charge. This was regularly granted 
him, Oct. 3d, 1804, with an honourable recommendation, 
by an ecclesiastical council, convened to witness and rat- 
ify the separation. 

The shock, which his constitution, till then uncom- 
monly firm and robust, had received from this sickness, 
was sensibly felt for many years, and was never fully re- 
paired. He was advised by physicians to avoid the 
effects of severe cold, by passing the winter months in 
the milder climates of the south. This precaution was 
adopted with respect to the winter previous to his sep- 
aration from his people, and two seasons subsequent to 
that event. The benefits derived from the change of 
scene and climate, from the air of the ocean, and the ex- 
ercise of travailing, were very important ; and his health 
became so much improved, that he was able to employ 
his talents for the benefit of his family and of the publick. 
He preached occasionally with great acceptance, and re- 
ceived a very flattering invitation from the society in Hol- 
lis Street, Boston, to re-settle in the ministry, as a col- 
league with the Rev. Dr. West. But he was apprehen- 
sive, that his lungs were too weak to support the frequent 
exercise of publick speaking, and his general health in- 
sufficient to justify him in resuming the arduous labours 
of a stated ministry. He again engaged in the business 
of instruction. In this useful vocation he ever took 
great delight, and never failed to perform its duties to 
the high satisfaction of his employers. 

He was afterwards induced to accept a seat in the legis- 
lature of the Commonwealth, with which he was twice 
honoured by the citizens of Boston. As he always felt 
a great interest in the objects of political science, and in 
public affairs, and possessed talents, which would have 


insured him an honourable standing among legislators 
and statesmen, many of his friends were desirous of ad- 
vancing him forward into publick life ; and for a while he 
appeared to listen to their suggestions. He had previ- 
ously directed his attention to legal studies, thinking it 
expedient, on account of his health, to make a material 
change in his habits of life. This circumstance suggests 
a reason for his declining the office of Hoi lis Professor of 
Mathematicks and Natural Philosophy, which was ten- 
dered to him by the Corporation of the University, in 
1807. This professorship, under other circumstances, 
would have been gladly accepted ; as it would have given 
him a favourable opportunity for extending his inquiries 
in a delightful and important field of knowledge, for which 
he had an early predilection. 

About two years from the time of the former appoint- 
ment, the eyes of the Corporation were placed on him a 
second time, and he was elected to fill the Boylston Pro- 
fessorship of Rhetorick and Oratory, which had then be- 
come vacant. The increasing firmness of his health was 
among the reasons, which influenced his concurrence 
with the College Boards in this appointment. He was 
inaugurated in this professorship, October 31, 1809 ; from 
which time, till within a few months of his death, his tal- 
ents were faithfully exerted in discharging its numerous 

As professor of rhetorick and oratory he justly obtained 
the praise of uncommon industry and punctuality. He 
was governed by a scrupulous sense of duty, and a re- 
gard to the best interests of the University. The ability 
and success, with which he performed the business of in- 
struction, and his unremitted attention to the moral and 
religious, as well as to the intellectual improvement of his 
pupils, were perceived and acknowledged by those, who 
enjoyed the benefit of his labours. His publick lectures 
reflect honour on himself and the University. In these it 
was his aim to give condensed and summary views of 
what was most important to be known on the subjects, 
which successively came under his notice. The different 
kinds of eloquence, with their characteristick properties 
22 vol. fiu. 


and appropriate rules, were described with clearness and 
brevity. He was happy in drawing his illustrations from 
sources, which were both instructive and interesting'. 
These were often made with such peculiar pertinency, 
and with such felicity of language, as to produce a "sensi- 
ble effect on his audience. 

Dr. McKean possessed a strong, clear, and discrimi- 
nating mind, which was highly cultivated by a life of read- 
ing and study. His perceptive powers were uncommon- 
ly quick and active. His attainments were not of a su- 
perficial character, nor limited to a few select branches of 
science. An ardent curiosity prompted him to seek a 
general acquaintance with the objects of human knowl- 
edge ; and he investigated, with care and perseverance, 
the various subjects, which fell under his examination. 
The constitution of his mind was however better adapt- 
ed to general views, than to minute speculations. He 
grasped with great readiness the leading outlines of sys- 
tems and theories, and could with wonderful perspicacity 
descry their various bearings and tendencies, when he did 
not pursue general principles through their subordinate 
windings, and to their remotest ramifications. 

He indulged himself in a manner of study more desul- 
tory, than would generally be found beneficial ; but with 
him it was attended by no ill consequences. He classi- 
fied his thoughts with remarkable facility, and by philo- 
sophical principles more than by casual association. His 
various and extensive acquisitions were adjusted in a 
happy order, and were always subject to his command. 
He was seldom encumbered with a labouring recollection. 
His memory was prompt as well as retentive ; two qual- 
ities rarely united in a superior degree. 

He placed a high value on classical learning, and could 
read the Greek and Roman authors with much ease. He 
was conversant with natural, civil, and ecclesiastical his- 
tory, and the most approved works on criticism and taste. 
But the studies best suited to his inclination, and the pe- 
culiar construction of his mind, were of the severer sort. 
He was pleased with those speculations, which afforded 
exercise and scope to the energies of his intellect. In 


astronomy, physicks, and the exact sciences, his knowl- 
edge was ample. He was acquainted with the various 
theories of writers on moral and intellectual philosophy. 
He possessed an extensive knowledge of facts relative to 
the early history of this country ; and felt a high reve- 
rence for the simple virtues and enterprising character of 
the Fathers of New England. He had a passion for an- 
tiquarian researches, and had collected a valuable cabinet 
of ancient coins and minerals. 

His writings,* a few specimens of which are before the 
publick, exhibit great perspicuity, as well as strength, 
boldness, and originality. They are characterized rather 
by those qualities, which depend on judgment and rea- 
soning, than by those, which result from imagination and 
fancy. He was in the habit of corresponding with several 
literary gentlement both in this and in foreign countries. 
He received flattering testimonials of his character and 
attainments from learned societies in various places. He 
was recording secretary, and a most efficient member of 
the Massachusetts Historical Society ; and an honorary 
member of the Historical Society of New York. He 
had been elected a fellow of the American Academy of 
Arts and Sciences ; but this honour, by reason of his 
numerous engagements of a similar nature, he saw fit to 
decline. The degree of Doctor of Laws had been con- 
ferred on him by the College in Princeton, N. J. and 
that of Doctor of Divinity by the Alleghany College in 

In the intercourse of private and social life, Dr. 
McKean displayed the most endearing qualities of mind 
and heart. In the society of friends, the smile of cheer- 
fulness enlightened his countenance. His versatility of 
talents, his captivating powers and animated tone of 
conversation, made him an agreeable and instructive 
companion. There was a portion of enthusiasm in his 
constitution, which prompted him to pursue with ardour 
the enterprises, in which he was engaged. His feelings 
were warm and generous ; his attachments strong and 

* Note B * Note C 


devoted. His hospitality was sincere and extensive. 
His life was filled with numerous and well directed acts 
of publick and private munificence. He was a member 
of various societies for pious and charitable purposes. 
To these he devoted a liberal portion of his time and 
property ; and in several of them sustained important 
offices, the duties of which he discharged with conscien- 
tious fidelity. 

Of the few last weeks of his life, and the circumstan- 
ces immediately connected with his death, the particulars 
are imperfectly known. He had been induced by the 
advice of physicians and friends, more than by his own 
judgment, to escape the hazards of winter in this place, 
by going to a milder climate, hoping, under Providence, 
that he might thus obtain some melioration of his com- 
plaints, and a protraction of life, though without any ex- 
pectation of a final recovery. The benefits anticipated by 
a change of climate were not, in this instance, realized 
in the slightest degree. Immediately on his arrival at 
Havanna, he was seized with a general debility, accom- 
panied by other alarming symptoms, from which he ob- 
tained not even a momentary relief. In these circumstan- 
ces, though in a land of strangers, and remote from all his 
dearest connections, he was not however without the so- 
lace of sympathy, and those friendly attentions, which his 
case required. He was kindly invited to the house of 
Mr. Samuel Curson, formerly of Boston, from whose 
family he received those affectionate and unremitted at- 
tentions, which were calculated to sooth and comfort his 
last hours. On the 17th of March, 1818, he bade a final 
adieu to this world of suffering and change, in the full 
possession of his mental powers, and with unshaken 
trust in the mercy of God, through the merits of his 

The loss of this distinguished and excellent man, was 
deeply felt by a large portion of the community. He 
was highly esteemed for his piety and his eminent virtues. 
Resnectful notice of his death was taken by several min- 
isters in Boston, and its vicinity, in their publick discour- 
ses, some of which were afterwards printed. The Uni- 


versity testified, by appropriate solemnities, its high re- 
spect for the character of Professor McKean, and the 
grief occasioned by his premature death. A eulogy was 
pronounced in the chapel of the University, by a profes- 
sor, accompanied by prayer and sacred musick, on a day 
set apart for the purpose. 

He was buried in Havanna, the day subsequent to that 
of his death. The funeral solemnities were attended with 
great decency and respect. Religious services were per- 
formed on the occasion by a protestant clergyman from 
Charleston, providentially present. 

Over the grave of his beloved son, the aged father 
caused a monumental stone to be erected, on which is the 
following inscription. 

Reliquiae hie reposta? sunt 


V. D. M. S. T. D. et LL. D. Rhet. et Orat. Professoris 

in Universitate Harvardiana, 

Cantabrigise, Nov. Anglorurn, 

iEtatis 42. 

Alieni ! 

Parcite huic lapidi sacro ! 

Cineres honorate 


celeberrimi, optimi, carissimi. 


William McKean was born in Glasgow, Scotland, 
7th April, 1739, and came to this country in 1763. He 
removed from Boston to Ipswich, county of Essex, Mas- 
sachusetts, in 1775, on account of the war of the revolu- 
tion, which occasioned a general interruption of business. 
He returned to Boston in 1783, which has ever since been 
the place of his residence. 

He married, in 1769, Sarah Manning, daughter of Dr. 
Joseph Manning of Ipswich, who was graduated at Har- 


vard College in 1751. She died 15th of May, 1776. 
Their children are as follows. 

Agnes, who was born 1 3th of January, 1 770. She mar- 
ried Henry Swift, Boston, who died 3d April, 1808, 
leaving three children. 

Sarah, born 24th June, 1771, and died 6th October, 

William, born 25th February, 1773, and died 6th Novem- 
ber, 1790. 

Elizabeth, born 7th August, 1774. 

Joseph, the subject of the foregoing sketch, married, in 
1799, Amy Swasey, daughter of Maj. Joseph and 
Susannah Swasey of Ipswich. Her father was a 
faithful officer in the revolutionary war, and after- 
wards enjoyed, in an eminent degree, the confidence 
and esteem of his fellow citizens. He died 1st 
April, 181& 

Her mother was daughter of Henry Wise, A. M. 
who was graduated at Harvard College, 1717, and 
was son of Rev. John Wise, A. M. who was gradu- 
ated at Harvard College, 1673, was the first minister 
of Chebacco, and author of a treatise on the govern- 
ment of New England churches. 


The publications of Dr. J. McKean, are the following. 

1. A Valedictory Sermon, preached in Milton, Septem- 

ber 30th, 1804. 

2. A Plea for Friendship and Patriotism, in two Dis- 

courses, preached at First Church, Boston : the 
first on Lord's day 27th March, and the second on 
the annual Fast, 7th April, 1814. 

3. Sermon delivered at the Ordination of Rev. J. B. 

Wight, 25th January, 1815. 

4. Sermon delivered at the Ordination of Rev. N. L. 

Frothingham, 15th March, 1815. 

5. Sermon delivered in the Church in Brattle Square, 

Boston, on the Lord's day next after the death of 
John Warren, M. D. 10th April, 1815. 


6. Sermon delivered at the Installation of Rev, Dr. 
Richmond, Dorchester, 25th June, 1817. 

Memoir on Rev. John Eliot, S. T. D. printed in the His- 
torical Collections. 

Addition to Wood's Continuation of Dr. Goldsmith's 
History of England. 


Among the literary correspondents of Dr. J. McKean, 
were the Rev. Samuel Miller, D. D. Prof. Eccl. Hist, in 
the Theol. Inst. Princeton, New Jersey. Rev. Christo- 
pher D. Ebeling, late Professor at Hamburgh. Rev. 
Robert Morrison, D. D. Missionary from the London 
Missionary Society, at Canton, China. Rev. Thomas 
Hall, Chaplain of the British Factory at Leghorn. Ro- 
bert Anderson, M. D. Edinburgh, Scotland. Ebenezer 
Hazard, Esq. Philadelphia. Rev. Eliphalet Nott, D. D. 
Pres. Union College. Hon. Samuel Bayard, Delaware. 
Elias Boudinot, Esq. President of the American Bible 
Society, New Jersey. David Ramsay, M. D. late of 
Charleston, South Carolina. 

An Account of Plainfield, in Hampshire County, Massa- 
chusetts. By Jacob Porter, A. M. 

Extent and Boundaries. 

WBh AINFIELD, a post town in the northwest corner of 
-*■ Hampshire county, is about six miles by four in ex- 
tent. It is bounded north by Hawley, east by Ashfield, 
both in Franklin county, south by Cummington, west by 
Windsor and Savoy, in Berkshire county. 


The surface, though considerably hilly, is much less 
so than that of the adjoining towns. From this last cir- 
cumstance the town is supposed to derive its name. In 
the western part of the town are two ponds ; the North 
Pond, so called with reference to another south of it, in 


Windsor, and the Crooked Pond, so called from its 
figure. These ponds are interspersed with several ro- 
mantic islands. On these, as well as on their borders, 
grows a profusion of trees, shrubs and wild flowers, 
which render them a most interesting place of resort 
to the botanist. 

An inconsiderable stream, called Baker's Brook, runs 
through the central part of the town, and empties into 
Westfield River at Cummington. On this stream there 
are two woollen Factories, two saw mills, and a grain mill. 
Another grain mill is situated on a smaller stream, to 
the east of this. 

Geology and Mineralogy. 
" The geology and mineralogy of Plainfied may be 
comprised in a few words. It consists wholly of sienite, 
hornblend, slate and porphyry. There are some loose 
pieces of granite, which probably came from the Go- 
shen range. At any rate, these pieces are out of place, 
when found in Plainfield." For these remarks I am in- 
debted to an intelligent mineralogist. In addition to them 
I may observe, that very fine specimens of shorl, in beau- 
tiful crystals, are found here in great plenty. 

Among our herbaceous wild plants, the first that ap- 
pear are the delicate claytonia, the graceful three-lobed 
hepatica, the round-leaved violet, with its fine nodding 
blossoms, and the crythronium or dog's tooth violet. 
These flower about the last of April, frequently before 
the snow has left the ground. At the same time appear 
the blossoms of the alder, hazel, and poplar ; soon after 
those of the uvularia or bellwort, the chrysasplenium or 
golden saxifrage, and the large trillium. The latter part 
of May appear the cowslip, the early corydalis or cobic 
weed, the lovely goldthread, several species of the violet, 
the beautiful three-leaved panax and the common gin- 
seng, the prostrate and two-leaved mitellas, the three- 
leaved arum or Indian turnip, the thimbleberry, the 
gooseberry, the caulophyllum, the spice bush, the white 


berried gaultheria, the fly honeysuckle, the viburnum or 
hobble bush, and among the trees, the elm, ash, beech, 
aronia or shad tree, yellow and white birch, and red and 
sugar maples. The appearance of our forests at this sea- 
son of the year has often reminded me of that antiquated, 
but beautiful description of our scenery, contained in 
Hubbard's History of New England : " Yea, in May 
you shall see the woods and fields so curiously decked 
with roses and an innumerable multitude of other delight- 
ful flowers, not only pleasing to the eye but smell, that 
you may behold nature contending with art, and striving 
to equal, if not excel many gardens in England." 

Among those, that flower in June, the most interesting 
are the houstonia, the small trillium, the sarsaparilla, the 
dentaria or tooth-root, Solomon's seal, of which we have 
H\e species, the starflowered trientalis, the brilliant azalea 
or swamp pink, the cypripedium or ladies' slipper, two 
species of crowfoot, the blue-eyed grass, the medeola, 
several species of whortleberry, the small enothera, the 
mandrake, two species of veronica or speedwell, the gol- 
den senecio or ragwort, the columbine, the common Nor- 
way and silver potentillas, the sanicle, early and common 
fleabane, the prunella, red and white clover, the circsea or 
enchanter's nightshade, the mitchella, the red-berried 
gaultheria or partridge berry, the lovely linnsea, the yel- 
low diervilla, the thorn bush, the sumach, and the moun- 
tain ash. At this season of the year, many of our fields 
are so completely covered with the blossoms of the tall 
crowfoot, or, as it is here called, the yellow weed, as to form 

" One burnished sheet of living gold." — Scott. 

The linnsea is a small, creeping, woody plant. It must 
ever be a favourite with the lover of nature, not only from 
the exquisite delicacy and fragrance of its blossoms, but 
from being consecrated to the memory of him, whom we 
all venerate as the prince of botanists. The mountain 
ash is a very ornamental tree. Its leaves, resembling those 
of the sumach, are intermixed with clusters of small, 
white blossoms, succeeded by bunches of red berries, 
which hang on during the winter. 

23 VOL. VIII. 


In July the lover of plants is gratified with the fungous 
flowered corydalis, the broad and narrow-leaved kalmias, 
the brilliant fimbriate orchis, two species of pyrala, the 
small geranium, several species of hypericum or John's 
wort, the large enothera, the round-leaved mallows, three 
species of the epilobium or willow herb, one of which is 
very beautiful, the white spirea, agrimony, the common 
iris, the woody and black nightshades, the northern mint, 
the penny-royal, the buglon, a species of cynoglossum or 
hound's tongue, the lycopus, the wild rose, two species 
of vervain, the Scutellaria or skullcap, Canada and spear 
thistles, asclepias or milk-weed, the mimulus or monkey 
flower, the flowering raspberry, and among the trees 
the chesnut and basswood. The fungous flowered cory- 
dalis is a very delicate and graceful plant. It climbs to 
the height of ten or twelve feet, supporting itself by means 
of tendrils, and is far more ornamental than any of the 
plants, that are usually cultivated around the windows of 
the curious. 

In August the eye is gratified with the flowers of the 
graceful clematis, the downy leaved spiraea, or harlhack, 
the beautiful chelone or snake-head, the inflated, pale and 
water lobelias, the spearmint, the hippuris, the leafless 
utricularia, the hydropeltis or water target, the floating 
villarsia or spurstem, the transparent eriocaulon or pipe- 
wort, the sagittaria, the phytolacca or poke, the rosy cory- 
dalis, numerous species of the aster, eupatorium and gol- 
den rod, and the syngenerian plants generally. The leaves 
of the chelone have been used as a bitter with advantage. 

After these, very few plants appear, except the witch- 
hazel, which, as the cold weather commences, displays its 
riband-like petals, giving to October the deceitful ap- 
pearance of spring. Its seeds are brought to maturity 
the following season. 

Besides the trees mentioned above, we have several of 
the evergreen family, particularly the white pine, spruce, 
hemlock, and silver fir, from the last of which the Canada 
balsam is obtained. 

Among the plants in the neighbouring towns, that are 
too interesting to be omitted, are rosemary-leaved an- 


dromeda, the white nymphea or fragrant water lilly, the 
purple sarraeenia, or, as it is here called, meadow cups 
and forefathers' pitcher, and the beautiful larch. A col- 
lection, both of the minerals and plants to be found in 
this place and the vicinity, has been made by the writer 
of this article. 

In the pasture of George Vining, about a mile west of 
the meeting-house, are certain marks on some soft rocks, 
which appear to have been the work of art. As the land 
has never been ploughed, and the marks of the harrow do 
not seem sufficient to account for them, I mention them 
here for the examination of the curious. I have since ob- 
served similar marks on a rock in Windsor, 


The town is divided into six school districts, in each 
of which schools are regularly taught about half the year. 
Only two persons from Plainfield ever received a publick 
education, one of whom is now a missionary in Ceylon,* 
the other an attorney in his native place. Five young 
gentlemen from this town are now members of college. 

There is a library, containing seventy six volumes, be- 
longing to a few young men ; the largest private library 
contains one hundred and fifty volumes. 


A Congregational church, consisting of fourteen mem- 
bers, was gathered here, August 31, 1786. The Rev. 
Moses Hallock was ordained its pastor, July 11, 1792. 
He was educated at Yale College, where he received the 
degree of bachelor of arts in 1788. 

There have been several revivals of religion in this 
place, which contributed largely to the increase of the 
church. In 1794, seventeen persons joined the church; 
in 1798, thirty one ; and in 1808, sixty one. The pre- 
sent number of members is ninety five. 

The edifice for publick worship is a neat wooden build- 
ing, erected in 1792. It is furnished with a bell, and 

* Rev. James Richards. 


handsomely painted. Previous to the formation of the 
church, in 1786, this society formed a part of the ministe- 
rial charge of the Rev. James Briggs of Cummington. 

Besides this religious society, there are a few Baptists 
and Methodists. There is also a society for promoting 
good morals, an education society, and a heathen school 


A considerable tract of land, including this town and 
several others in the vicinity, was by the Indians called 
Pantoosuk. It does not, however, appear that the In- 
dians ever resided on these mountains. 

Cummington and Plainfield were sold by the General 
Court to John Cummings, Esq. of Concord, June 2, 1762. 
The first meeting of the proprietors was held at Concord, 
December 21, the same year. Plainfield was incorporat- 
ed as a district of Cummington, March 16, 1785; as a 
town, June 15, 1807. 

The first person, that resided within the present limits 
of the town, was a Scotchman by the name of Macintire, 
who, with his family, began a settlement here in March, 

One of the first settlers has informed me, that deer were 
very common here about forty years since ,* but they were 
entirely extirpated by the hunters of those days. 

The first district meeting was holden July 25, 1785. 
It appears from the records of the district, that a deer- 
reeve was chosen this and the following year. The first 
framed house was erected here about forty years since. 

A tract of excellent land, containing about 600 acres, 
in the easterly part of the town, owned by a merchant in 
Boston, is still uncultivated. 

The air is remarkably pure, the water perfectly good, 
and the place is generally considered as very healthy. 
That scourge of our country, the pulmonary consump- 
tion, is with us a rare disease. During a residence here 
of almost nine years, I recollect but three instances of 
death from this cause. 

The number of inhabitants, according to the census of 
1810, is 977. Though the increase is very rapid, the 


emigrations to the westward very nearly balance it. In 
the year 1803, there were thirty deaths, the greatest num- 
ber, which I find on record since 1802. In 1809 there 
were eight, which is the smallest number in any year 
within the same period. 

Plainjield, August 6, 1818. 

Amherst, N. H. July 21,1818. 
Note on New London, New Hampshire. By John Farmer. 

Situation and Boundaries. 

WEW LONDON, a pleasant and elevated town, is sit- 
uated in the northerly part of the county of Hillsbo- 
rough, in lat. 43° 24' north. It is bounded northeast by 
Wilmot, south by Sutton and Fishersfield, west by Wen- 
dell, and northwest by Springfield. It contains an area 
of nearly 15,000 acres, of which about 2,000 are water. 
Its distance from Portsmouth on a direct line is sixty four 
miles, bearing N. 67° W. twenty five miles from Concord 
and eighty two from Boston. 

River and Brooks. 
A branch of Blackwater River proceeds from Pleasant 
Pond, situated in the northeast part of the town, Lyon 
Brook is a small stream, and received its name from one 
of the first settlers. 

Lake and Ponds. 
Part of Lake Sunapee is situated in the west part of this 
town. A canal from the Merrimack to the Connecticut, 
through this lake, was formerly deemed practicable. 
But a regular survey to ascertain its practicability being 
made in 1816, by persons appointed by the governments 
of Massachusetts and this state, it was found that the fall 
each way from the lake to these rivers, exceeded eight 
hundred and twenty feet, so that all future speculations 
on the subject are probably put to rest. 


There are several considerable ponds, designated by 
the names, Pleasant, East Sunapee, West Sunapee, East 
Mud, West Mud, and Otter Ponds. Pleasant Pond is 
six hundred rods long, and two hundred rods wide, and is 
the principal source of Blackwater River. East Sunapee, 
three hundred rods long, and one hundred and fifty rods 
wide, is the principal source of Sugar River. The surfaces 
of Mud Ponds are twelve feet higher than the surface of 
Lake Sunapee. Notwithstanding this, a canal connecting 
Merrimack and Connecticut Rivers would necessarily be 
made through Mud Ponds. 

There are several Islands ; Lowplain, Blueberry and 
Rock Islands, in Pleasant Pond : Plumb Islands in West 
Sunapee Pond ; and Mud Island in West Mud Pond. 

Soil, fyc. 

The soil is generally hard ; in some parts rocky, but it 
well rewards the labour of agriculture. The natural 
growth consists principally of maple, beech, birch, hem- 
lock, spruce, ash, and bass trees. Ashes and coals are 
found several feet under the surface of the ground near 
Lake Sunapee. 


The principal village of New London, denominated 
Federal Village, consists of several houses, a store, cabi- 
net maker's, joiners, saddler's, shoemaker's, blacksmith's 
shops, &c. It is pleasantly and centrally situated ; has a 
commanding view of the town and adjacent country, of 
Ascutney, Kearsarge, Sunapee, Croydon, Cardigan and 
Ragged Mountains. New London has two or three small- 
er villages, inhabited by wealthy, industrious and pros- 
perous people. 

There were in New London the last year, a Baptist 
meeting-house, a house in which the people occasionally 
hold religious meetings, and four school nouses. There 
were also three stores, three corn mills, three saw mills, 
two clothier's mills, two carding machines, one nail manu- 
factory, two brick manufactories, two tanneries, six black- 


smith's shops, two saddler's shops, three shoemaker's 
shops, and one rake manufactory. 

The principal road through this town passes through 
New London street, and leads from Hopkinton to Hano- 
ver. The roads are generally good. 

The number of inhabitants in 1817, was eight hun- 
dred. The number at different periods may be known 
by referring to the Note on the county of Hillsborough, in 
7th vol. Hist. Coll. 2d series, page 69. In 1812, there 
were one hundred and twenty three polls. 


This town was formerly called Heidleburg. The set- 
tlement was commenced by two persons of the names of 
Lyon and Lamb, who gave the name to the brook already 
mentioned. It was incorporated by the name of New 
London, in 1779. What constitutes a considerable part 
of Wilmot, was taken from New London and incorporat- 
ed in 1807. 

The people here are generally attached to the tenets of 
the Baptists. They have two clergymen of that denomi- 
nation. Elder Job Seamahs was ordained here in 1789, 
and now officiates for the church and society. Elder 
Enoch Hunting was ordained here in 1814. The annual 
number of deaths is about eight. There is one practising 
surgeon and physician. A post office was established 
here the present year. 

Churches and Ministers in New Hampshire. 

Amherst, N. H. January 6, 1819- 
Rev. Sir, 

IN collecting materials for a topographical and histori- 
cal description of an important section of the state of 
New Hampshire, I have obtained considerable informa- 


tion respecting the churches and ministers of many towns, 
which, if the following specimen be acceptable, may be 
forwarded to you as opportunity shall permit. 
With respect and esteem, 

Your obedient servant, 

Rev, Dr. Holmes, 


A church was formed and gathered by an ecclesiastical 
council in Amherst, then Souhegan, 22 September, 1741. 
Rev. Nathaniel Henchman of Lynn, was moderator of the 
council, which consisted of nineteen ministers and dele- 
gates. The other clergymen were Rev. Andrew Peters 
of Middleton, Rev. James Osgood of Wenham, Rev. 
Stephen Chase of Lynn, by whom the sermon was deliv- 
ered, and Rev. Josiah Swan of Dunstable. Rev. Daniel 
Wilkins from Middleton, who graduated at Harvard Col- 
lege, 1736, was ordained by this council, 23 September, 
1741. He departed this life, 11 Feb. 1783, aged 73. 
Rev. Jeremiah Barnard, from Bolton, who graduated at 
Harvard College, 1773, was ordained colleague to Rev. 
Mr. Wilkins, 3 March, 1780. Rev. Nathan Lord, from 
Berwick, Maine, was ordained as colleague to Rev. Mr. 
Barnard, 22 May, 1816. He received his education at 
Bowdoin College, Brunswick. 

New Boston. 

The first pastor of the Presbyterian church in this town 
was Rev. Solomon Moore, who was ordained 6 February, 
1767. He was of a respectable family, and was born at 
Newtown, Liinavady, in Ireland, 1736. He received the 
honours of the university at Glasgow in 1758. He studi- 
ed theology with Professor Leechman of that university, 
and was licensed to preach by the Londonderry presby- 
tery, 26 July, 1762. A few years after, he went to 
Halifax, N. S. and from thence he came to Boston, where 
he was recommended to Rev. Mr c Moorhead, for whom 


he preached the first sabbath after his arrival. In Febru- 
ary, 1767, he first went to this town, where he died 28 
May, 1808, aged 67. Rev. Ephraim P. Bradford, who 
graduated at Harvard College, 1803, was ordained his 
successor in office, 26 February, 1806. There is a Bap- 
tist church in this town, over which Rev. Isaiah Stone 
was ordained 8 January, 1806. 

The first minister of the church in this town was Rev. 
Jonathan Liverrnore, who was born in Northborough, 
Mass. 7 December, 1729, O. S. He graduated at Harvard 
College in 1760, and was ordained 14 December, 1763. 
He was dismissed, on account of what was termed political 
heresy, in February, 1777, and died at Wilton, 20 July 
1809, in his 80th year. Mr. Liverrnore was succeeded 
by Rev. Abel Fiske, who was born at Pepperell, Mass. 
28 May 1752, and graduated at Harvard College in 1774. 
He was ordained in November, 1778, and died 21 April, 

1802, aged 50. Mr. Fiske was succeeded by Rev. Tho- 
mas Beede, a native of Sandwich, N. H. who graduated 
at Harvard College, 1798. He was ordained 2 March, 

1803, and continues in the ministry. 

The early ecclesiastical records in this town are de- 
stroyed, and it is somewhat difficult to fix the exact date 
of the organization of the church. Rev. John Rand, who 
graduated at Harvard College, 1748, was the first minis- 
ter, and was ordained 3 December, 175-. He was dis- 
missed from the ministry previous to 1769, and died a 
few years since at Bedford, N. H. Rev. Sewall Good- 
ridge, who graduated at Harvard College, 1764, succeed- 
ed him, and was ordained 7 September, 1769. He died 
14 March, 1809. The present pastor, Rev. Nathaniel 
Merrill, who graduated at Dartmouth College, 1809, was 
ordained 30 October, 1811. 

A Congregational church was organized in this town 
in November, 1773, and about the same time, Rev. 
24 vol. vin. 


Jonathan Searle, who graduated at Harvard College in 
1 765, was ordained to the pastoral care of it. He con- 
tinued in the ministry about sixteen years and half, and 
was dismissed in 1790. Rev. Thomas Worcester, from 
Hollis, who received the honorary degree of A. M. at 
Dartmouth College in 1806, succeeded him, and was or- 
dained 9 November, 1791. There is also a Baptist 
church in this place, formed about the time of Rev. Mr. 
Worcester's ordination, over which Rev. Otis Robinson 

The church in this town was gathered in 1743. It 
was then the, west parish in Dunstable. Rev. Daniel 
Emerson, from Reading, Mass. who graduated at Har- 
vard College, 1739, was ordained 20 April, 1743. The 
sermon at his ordination was delivered by Rev. Mr. Hob- 
by of Reading, and was printed. Rev. Eli Smith, who 
graduated at Brown University, R. I. was ordained as 
colleague with Rev. Mr. Emerson, 27 November, 1793. 
Rev. Mr. Emerson died, 30 September, 1801, in the fif- 
ty-ninth year of his ministry, at the age of 85. 


The church in this place, at the time it was gathered, 
was the second church in Amherst. The first minister, 
Rev. John Bruce, born at Marlborough, Mass. 31 Aug. 
1757, received his education at Dartmouth College, where 
he graduated 1781. He was ordained 22 November, 
1785, and died 12 March, 1809, aged 52. His succes- 
sor, Rev. Stephen Chapin, who graduated at Harvard 
College, 1804, was installed 26 November, 1809. Hav- 
ing espoused the sentiments of the Baptists, he requested 
and received a dismission in November, 1818. 


The church in Merrimack was organized 5 September, 

1772. Rev. Jacob Burnap, from Reading, the first and 

present minister, was ordained 14 October, 1772. The 

sermon at his ordination was preached by Rev. Thomas 


Haven, of Reading, and was printed. Mr. Burnap grad- 
uated at Harvard College in 1770, and a few years since 
was honoured with the degree of doctor in divinity, 
which is the first honour of the kind bestowed upon a 
clergyman in the county of Hillsborough. 


Letter from the Court to Joseph Dudley, Esq, and the 
rest of the Gentlemen named in his Majesty ] s Com- 
mission, May, 1G86. 


W E have perused what you left us as a copy of his 
majesty's commission, shewed us the 17th instant, em- 
powering you for the governing of his majesty's sub- 
jects, inhabiting this colony and other places therein 
mentioned. You then applied yourselves to us, not as 
a Governour and Company, but, (as you were pleased to 
term us) some of the principal gentlemen and chief of 
the inhabitants of the several towns of the Massachusetts 
— amongst other discourse, saying, it concerned us to 
consider what therein might be thought hard and uneasy. 
Upon perusal whereof, we find, as we conceive ; First, 
That there is no certain determinate rule for your ad- 
ministration of justice ; and that which is seems to be 
too arbitrary. Secondly, That the subjects are abridged 
of their liberties as Englishmen, both in the matter of 
legislation and in the laying of taxes ; and indeed the 
whole unquestioned privilege of the subject transferred 
upon yourselves^; there being not the least mention of 
an assembly iS the commission. And therefore we 
think it highly concerns you to consider whether such 
a commission be safe either for you or us. But if you 
are so satisfied therein, as that you hold yourselves obli- 
ged thereby, and do take upon you the government of 
this people, although we cannot give our assent thereto, 


yet hope we shall demean ourselves as true and loyal 
subjects of his majesty, and humbly make our address 
unto God, and in due time to our gracious prince, for 
our relief. 

Past by the whole Court, May 20, 1686, nemine con- 


EDW : RAWSON, Sec'ry* 

At the same Court, it was ordered, That Samuel 
Nowell, Esq. Mr. John Saffin, and Capt. Timothy Prout, 
be a committee for a repository of such papers on file with 
the secretary, as refer to our charter, and negotiations, 
from time to time, for the security thereof ; with such as 
refer to our title of our lands by purchase of Indians or 
otherwise. And the secretary is ordered accordingly to 
deliver the same unto them. 

Letter from Sir E. Andros to W. Clark, Governour of 
Rhode Island and Providence Plantations. 

Boston, 22d December, 1686. 

This is to acquaint you that his majesty having 
been pleased to send me to the government of New 
England, of which you are a part, I arrived here the 20th 
instant, where I found all very well disposed to his ma- 
jesty's service : And his majesty's letter patent to me 
for the said government, being then published, were re- 
ceived with suitable demonstrations. 

I am commanded and authorized by his majesty, at 
my arrival in these parts, to receive in hjs name the sur- 
render of the charter, if tendered by you, and to take 
you into my present care and charge, as other parts of 
the government, assuring his majesty's good subjects 

* In 1685, James II. granted a commission to Joseph Dudley, as President, and to 
sixteen others, as a Council, who were to have the sole authority of governing Mas- 
sachusetts, New Hampshire. Maine and Narraganset. 


of his countenance and protection in all things relating 
to his service and their welfare. 

I have only to add, that I shall be ready and glad to 
do my duty accordingly, and therefore desire to hear 
from you as soon as may be, and remain 

Your very affectionate friend, 


Council Minutes, December 22, 1686\ 

His Excellency the Governour, 
Joseph Dudley, William Stoughton, 

Wait Winthrop, Peter Bulkley, 

Richard Wharton, Joseph Usher, 

Bartholomew Gedney, Jona. Ting, 

and Secretary. 

Ordered, That copies of the declaration made by 
his excellency in Council be sent to the several clerks 
of the county courts for their direction ; That summons 
be issued to the members of the Council in Rhode Is- 
land and New Plymouth, to be present on the 29th of 
this present December ; That a letter be sent to Major 
Pincheon and all the members of the Council to attend ; 
That Joseph Cowell be sent to Hartford with his excel- 
lency's letters. 

Minutes of the first Council summoned by Sir Edmund 


At a Council held in Boston, New England, on 
Thursday, December 30th, 1686. 


His Excellency Sir Edmund Andros. 

Knight. Governour. 


*Joseph Dudley, *William Stoughton, 

fThomas Hinckley, ^Walter Clark, 

*Wait'Winthrop, {Richard Wharton, 

{John Usher, ^Jonathan Tyng, 

fBarnabas Lathrop, fWilliam Bradford, 

fJohn Walley, JDaniel Smith, 

§John Coggeshall, ^Nathaniel Clarke, 

^Richard Arnold, ^Walter Newbury, 
Edward Randolph, Secretary. 

Upon opening of the Council his excellency 
commanded the members thereof to be called over by 
their names and take their places, as set down in certain 
articles of instructions from his majesty to his excellen- 
cy the governour. 

The members of the Council being accordingly seated, 
his majesty's commission for the government of this his 
territory and dominion of New England was read ; and 
also the instructions under his majesty's sign manual, 
empowering his excellency to receive the charter of 
Rhode Island and Providence Plantation, was likewise 

His excellency proceeded to administer the oath of 
allegiance and the oath also for the due administration of 
justice ; and commanded such persons of the Council as 
had not already taken those oaths to stand up and answer 
to their names, viz. Thomas Hinckley, Walter Clark, 
Barnabas Lathrop, William Bradford, Daniel Smith, 
John Walley, Nathaniel Clark, John Coggeshall, Walter 
Newbury, Richard Arnold and John Alborough, who all, 
except Walter Clark and Walter Newbury, did take the 
oaths, and shewed assent thereto by holding up their 
right hands. 

Walter Clark and Walter Newbury also gave their 
•express consent to the oath of allegiance and the oath for 
the administration of justice in the government, according 
as directed in his majesty's late commission to the Presi- 

* Of the Massachusetts colony. % Of New Hampshire. 

f Of Plymouth colony. <j Of Rhode Island and Narraganset. 


dent and Council, professing themselves obliged in all 
good conscience before God so to do, and that under the 
utmost penalties of perjury, in all respects ; the mem- 
bers of the Council being severally asked their opinion 
did allow of their protestation. 

His excellency, in a short discourse, encouraged the 
members to proceed in debate. Walter Clark and 
Walter Newbury acknowledged the surrender of that 
charter made to his majesty at Windsor ; but fearing 
that surrender was not effectual, for avoiding all mistakes 
they had presented an humble address to his majesty un- 
der the publick seal of their colony, and had sent over 
agents to pray his majesty's favour towards them. And 
W. Clark further added, the charter of Rhode Island 
was in his custody at Newport. 

It was moved that a proclamation should be made 
through all the colonies and provinces of this government, 
that all officers, both civil and military, should be contin- 
ued in their places of trust ; and that the laws, not repug- 
nant to the laws of England, in the several colonies should 
be observed during his excellency's pleasure. 

Letters on the Origin and Progress of Attempts for the 
Abolition of Slavery in Pennsylvania. 

Wenham, January 6, 1819. 
Dear Sir, 

WHEREWITH I send you a small book, entitled "Me- 
-■^■-jmoirs of the Lives of Benjamin Lay and Ralph San- 
diford." By Roberts Vaux. With many curious addi- 
tions, in the marginal notes, written by Timothy Matlack, 
Esq. of Philadelphia. 

Near two years ago, during my last attendance in Con- 
gress, at Washington, the book was put into my hands, 
to read, by William Findley, Esq. of Pennsylvania, also a 
member of the same body, to whom it had been sent by 
Mr. Matlack. It was accompanied by a long letter of 
Mr. Matlack's, written, it seems, to satisfv Mr. Find- 


ley's inquiries concerning the origin and progress of the 
attempts and measures for the abolition of African slave- 
ry in Pennsylvania. This letter I also send you ; and 
request you to present both to the Massachusetts Histori- 
cal Society ; for whose use I begged them of Mr. Find- 
ley, with the subsequent approbation of Mr. Matlack. 

On my way home, mentioning to an acquaintance, a 
respectable " Friend," in Philadelphia, Mr. Matlack's let- 
ter and notes, he desired to see them. On returning 
them, he said to the gentleman at whose house I lodged 
(for I was absent) that many of the facts stated by Mr. 
Matlack, were well known to others. 

I have known Mr. Matlack about forty years. He is 
now probably approaching to ninety years of age. The 
manuscript notes and the tenor of his letter will convince 
you that his mental powers were in full vigour ; and in 
bodily activity, perhaps no man of equal age surpasses 

The unintentional delay in making this communica- 
tion to the Historical Society, gives me the opportunity 
to introduce a notice of the early attention to the subject 
of negro slavery, in Boston. In a Centinel of the last 
year, was published the following transcript from the an- 
cient records of the selectmen of Boston. 

" 1701, May 26. The Representatives are desired to 
promote the encouraging the bringing of white servants, 
and to put a period to negroes being slaves" 
With sincere esteem, 

Dear Sir, 
Your obedient servant, 


The Reverend Dr. Freeman. 

Philadelphia, January lltli, 1817- 
Dear Sir, 

The inquiry you make respecting the abolition 
of slavery, I suppose is meant to be general, without re- 


gard to exact dates, and shall, therefore, give you what 
occurs to me upon the subject on that ground. The prac- 
tice of slave keeping in Pennsylvania commenced with 
the first settlement of the province, and certainly was 
countenanced by William Penn. An original letter from 
himself to his agent here, finds fault with the agent for 
having purchased " redemptioners" as servants, instead 
of Africans, who would eventually have been cheaper. 
This letter was in the hands of John Pemberton, former- 
ly of this city, so late as about 1756. About a year ago 
I sought for it, expecting to find it in the hands of Sally 
Zane, sister to John's widow, into whose hands his pa- 
pers, and great part of his property fell ; but it was not 
to be found. Penn left a family of slaves behind him ; 
one of which I have often conversed with, and he al- 
ways spoke of himself as Penn's body servant : He lived 
to extreme old age, and continued a gardener at Penns- 
bury-house, near this city, comfortably provided for to 
the last of his days. Slave keeping, of course, became 
general among " Friends" (as that people called them- 
selves.) There were, however, at a very early period, 
some independent minds, in the middle class of that 
people, sternly opposed to the practice, as being altogeth- 
er inconsistent with Christian morality ; but they met with 
severe rebuke, not only from individuals, but likewise 
from the society, both in New Jersey and Pennsylvania, 
long before the time of Lay and Sandiford, who are 
now spoken of as if the opposition to slave keeping ori- 
ginated with them, or one of them. A copy of memoirs 
concerning these two men having been presented to me 
by the author, I indulged myself in making notes in the 
margin, as I read them. That copy I enclose you, with 
the notes unaltered, confiding in your candid allowance 
for the manner of the notes, which were intended solely 
for myself. 

Of the early transactions of the society of " Friends," 
respecting this subject, I will mention two instances that 
have come to my knowledge, supported by that kind of 
evidence that they obtained full credit with me. The 
first is that of a " Publick Friend" of Bucks county, 
25 vol. viu. 


whose name, I think, was Langhorne, who, under the 
sanction of the meeting, having gone on a visit to that 
society of people in Maryland, on observing the manner 
in which the Africans were treated in that province, 
struck with the injustice of the practice, returned home, 
and privately emancipated all his slaves, and then, with a 
clear conscience, returned to accomplish the object of 
his pious errand. His coming home, while on his visit, 
was, it seems, contrary to the discipline of the society in 
such case, and he was to account for it as a transgressor. 
His apology of emancipation, (as the story was related to 
me more than fifty years ago) far from giving satisfaction 
to the meeting, tended rather to increase the offence, and 
he was continued " under dealing" for a length of time, 
and, although an approved speaker among them, was dis- 
countenanced for a length of time : The example touch- 
ed the pride of the high professing aristocracy. 

The other case is that of Robert Zane, of Gloucester 
county in New Jersey, the grandfather of the two very 
respectable ladies above mentioned, as related to me by 
their father, Isaac Zane, when he was upwards of eighty 
years of age. He told me that his father, when rather a 
young man, was disowned by Friends in consequence of 
his zeal in bearing " his testimony" against slave keeping ; 
adding that, although his father was a man of acknow- 
ledged exemplary conduct, he never after regained his 
membership during a very long life. A circumstance 
so extremely improbable as this, I should have reluctant- 
ly related, had it not been again related to me by one of 
the ladies above mentioned, about a year ago, and who 
is now living in this city, ready and willing to confirm it, 
on the authority of her father's relating the case to her. 
She inherited from her brother, Isaac Zane, late of Vir- 
ginia, a number of slaves to a great amount in value, 
which she, inheriting, also, the principles of her grand- 
father, and father, immediately emancipated in due form 
of law ; but firmly refused to hear from any of them a 
single word of acknowledgment for it as " a donation :" 
" It was (said she to me) the happiest day of my life." 
Alas for the world ! Without a miracle, when she leaves 


it with such a soul, she will leave not a spark of it behind 
her — And twice alas ! that it is too late for her " to save 
herself by repentance and amendment of life !" 

The earliest emancipation that has come to my know- 
ledge, was by Henry Burr in New Jersey, who died 
about the year 1742 : He was my mother's brother. He 
left all his slaves free ; the eldest at his death, and the 
younger ones as they came of suitable age. Some of 
their family remain near Mount-Holley, and continue to 
maintain a fair character as industrious, sober, honest 
people : and I have heard, possess some real estate. The 
eldest of them lived till about the year 1762. Her char- 
acter you may learn from the following epitaph, which I 
wrote for her grave-stone, at the time of her death ; 
which, as I felt when I wrote, still remains on my memo- 
ry, to wit : 

" In memory of Maria, a faithful female slave, once 
the property of Henry Burr, and by him set free at the 
time of his death : This stone is set up by one who was 
present, when by accident she saw the son of her mas- 
ter's grandson, and observed the tears of affection flow 
from her aged eyes : Reader ! if thou hast a slave, treat 
him with humanity for her sake." 

Permit me to observe, that it seems as if the time is 
rapidly approaching, when to suppose an American "read- 
er" should hold a slave, would be a gross absurdity. 

The next emancipation, within my knowledge, was 
by Peter White of Haddonfield, Gloucester county, New 
Jersey, who lived and died in a house adjoining to that 
in which I was born. He married another daughter of 
Henry Burr. He died within a year or two after the 
death of his wife's father. Peter, also, left a family of 
slaves free ; providing however that his male slave should 
lay by a small sum annually, for his own support in case 
of inability to maintain himself. Yet, neither of those 
cases were passed by without some unpleasant remarks 
of disapprobation. The " Public Friend" who attend- 
ed Haddonfield meeting, died abroad, on a religious visit, 
in October, 1742, about two years before I left that vil- 
lage ; and I always understood that he left his blacks in 


slavery ; although he was universally esteemed as among 
the most estimable of men : He was both the priest and 
the physician of the village. One of Peter White's 
slaves, born in the year 1728* is yet living and in health, 
in his eighty ninth year; having supported the charac- 
ter of an honest man through his long life : He is my 
oldest acquaintance ; and I never heard an uncivil word 
from him in all my life : He has obtained and deserves 
esteem and respect. It is probable that other slaves 
might have been liberated soon after, but none other 
came to my knowledge, about that time : It was certain- 
ly not then fashionable to set slaves free. 

In this situation things remained for eight or ten years : 
but the writings of Lay and Sandiford were working in 
the closets of very many " Friends," and of some few of 
other societies ; and to these were soon added as a new 
leaven the writings of Benezet and Wool man, both mild 
but persevering men, whose heart and soul were engaged 
in pursuit of their object ; and they spared no pains nor 
expense to have their works spread. Benezet was well 
heard by other societies — he was the son of a French 
Huguenot who left his country on account of his religious 
principles. Woolman was the son of a third daughter 
of the same Henry Burr, and was attended to in the "year- 
ly meeting of Friends," not less on account of his mod- 
est demeanour, than for a supposed strength of mind and 
persevering zeal in whatever he undertook ; and the ar- 
guments against slave keeping being altogether unanswer- 
able, the " yearly meeting," began to lean in favour of the 
" oppressed Africans," and after a hard struggle ventured 
to recommend their emancipation : yet the contest did not 
suddenly cease ; 'twas long and arduous. Pride, custom, 
interest and avarice fought perseveringly against humani- 
ty, justice and religion. I say pride, because the aristo- 
cracy of the day held the greatest proportion of slaves — 
and they were becoming the badge of a rising order 
among us ; and it was parted with very reluctantly. 

* The first time I ever heard the word cube mentioned, was respecting the date of 
the year in which this man was born ; it was the " cube of twelve," equal to 1728, ,in 
which year three or four lads of Haddonfield were also born. 


The ministers and elders gave way first, and the higher 
among the high professors next, and so on in that order 
to a very considerable extent in number and character ; 
there yet remained, however, a great body who had less 
pretensions of piety at stake, who appeared determined to 
make a firm stand in opposition, that might produce very 
serious effects on the society. And there followed for 
some time, a solemn boding pause. 

But a bold, decisive character came forward among 
them, and pressed for the final measure of "disowning" 
all who disregarded the " advice of Friends ;" and he 
was supported by a " minister" of great address and 
high reputation from Chester county ; and when a crisis 
appeared to have been at hand, that would have produced 
the most serious consequences, an event took place, that, 
although unseen as to its effect in this case, operated 
upon it with irresistible force. The celebrated Samuel 
Fothergill, whom I have always considered as the great- 
est pulpit orator of the age, arrived from England. He 
had risen to the pinnacle of religious profession, was 
master of a style purely classical, a powerful voice, dis- 
tinct articulation, and with a strong and corre6t emphasis, 
and a solemnity of manner beyond all other men. He 
preached and bore all before him, and he gave a force and 
effect to the measures of the meeting that could not be 
withstood. He preached the gospel in its great outline, 
as you will perceive by one of his texts, that now occur 
to my memory — " For, I determined to know nothing 
among you, save only Jesus Christ and him crucified.'' 
You will conceive of his style and manner of speaking 
from a description, by Samuel Adams, of the effect of 
his prayer in the Old South, in Boston : " When he 
prayed (said he to me) it seemed as if heaven and earth 
were brought together." 

The yearly meeting, thus supported in the exercise of 
church authority, resolved to dtsown all who persisted in 
holding slaves, and a very general compliance followed ; 
very few indeed having been disowned for contumacy ; 
and it was found that the loss was much less than had 
been calculated. Few slaves left their old masters, and 


the wages paid them was little more than the cost of cloth- 
ing them : Their food was the same. It was not long 
before it was announced to the world that there was not 
a slave held by any member of the society of Friends in 
Pennsylvania or New Jersey ! A circumstance that shed 
a lustre on the society, which was never before seen 
among that people ; and which time itself will never tar- 
nish : and it will forever remain a subject of astonishment, 
that a people capable of such a recovery, should ever have 
committed such an errour. 

In the " yearly meeting" of Friends, no important ques- 
tion is ever decided on, until, as they express it, Friends 
appear to be " of one mind." Hence I suppose, that, 
should reference be had to their records for dates, they 
will, generally, be found rather later than I have stated 
them from recollection. 

To account in some sort, for the manner of this sketch 
of what you inquire after, it is proper to inform you, that 
from the year 1749 I was in the family of a respectable 
elder of the meeting, in his full confidence, did all his 
writing, and was well acquainted with many of the most 
respectable members, ministers and others ; and attended 
their " meetings of business." And I shall offer you no 
apology for relating to you the following circumstance, 
which the present subject brings to my recollection. It 
will tend to open to you the character of the times : you 
have known me in my latter life, and I have no objection 
to your knowing me in my earlier days. 

John Woolman, whose name has been already mention- 
ed, was the son of my mother's sister, a man of unexam- 
pled industry and self denial, of a mild and benevolent 
disposition, and accustomed to close thinking in his way, 
and not slightly tinctured by what some call fanaticism, 
and others call religion, had conceived in the year 1757, 
that it was his duty to pay a religious visit to the people 
of Maryland on the subject of slave keeping, and com- 
municated " his concern" to me, and, although much 
younger than himself, he asked my " sentiments" upon 
the occasion. I loved the man, but was afraid of the aus- 
terity of his principles, and therefore endeavoured to evade 


saying any thing to him upon the subject ; but he would 
not be set aside, and pressed with much earnestness to 
" express to him any sentiment that should occur to my 
mind on the subject." After reflecting for a few mo- 
ments, I observed to him, that " were I to go on such a 
visit, I should think it proper to be exceedingly cautious 
what I said on such a subject : That considering that 
God governed the world in infinite wisdom, and by 
means of which we had no means of fully comprehend- 
ing, and it struck me as possible that he might have intro- 
duced that people into this country to give them a know- 
ledge of Christianity necessary to prepare them for a 
government of their own in this country." He made 
no reply, but, as I afterwards understood, he made his 
visit, advised kindness and forbearance towards their 
slaves, and returned well satisfied with what he had done, 
and perhaps quite as reasonably satisfied with what he 
had left undone* 

Little did I then expect, that, sixty years afterward, I 
should hear of a colonization of that people under a re- 
publican Congress ; and from what I see in the Mayor's 
Court of this city, of the conduct of the people of colour 
among us, much reason have I to doubt if they are much 
improved, by their residence among us. But it would 
be uncandid not to add, that there is in this city a few of 
these people who are valuable citizens : For example, a 
sail maker in my neighbourhood, tells me that during the 
past year he has received from one mercantile house, in 
the course of his business, upwards of " seven thousand 
dollars !» 

Should the project of colonization be adopted, I wish 
it success ; but I ask myself shall we undertake to de- 
fend them ; or shall we leave them to the mercy of the 
tyrants of the world ? and then leave the answer to be 
made by the wisdom of Congress. 

As to our law for the gradual abolition of slavery, it 
was an expression of the will of the majority of the peo- 

* He died jn England a little beyond middle age, (greatly lamented) on a religious 
visit — and, by the meeting, has been spoken of as having "prophesied" 1 of his own 


pie of Pennsylvania, in support of the great first principle 
of our government, " AH men are born free and equal," 
and that majority has increased to a magnitude that prom- 
ises unanimity. It bore hard on some widows and 
orphans, but the number was much less than had been 

As to the " abolition society," it was formed by a body 
of well meaning men, for the purpose of supporting the 
abolition law, and whatever errours they may have com- 
mitted, very few were intentional, and those not worth 
inquiring after. We hear very little more of them in this 
city : Their occupation is nearly " gone." 

I really rejoice that the Union continue to receive the 
advantages of your experience and patriotism ; and ought 
not to grieve that for seven years past they have so little 
occasion for mine. I shall then, only, have lived too long, 
when my old friends shall have forgotten me ; of the very 
few who remain, I have long claimed you as one of them 
— and 

I am sincerely, and with " high consideration," 



Hon. William Findley. 

Cape Cod Canal. 

The renovated inquiry, on the subject of the expediency of a canal from 
Buzzard's to Barnstable Bay, gives value to the following papers, which 
of themselves are not without interest. The letter of Washington is 
wholly in his own hand. We take this occasion to extract a passage from 
a diary of Samuel Sewall, 26 October, 1 676, then a tutor at Harvard 
College, afterwards Judge of the highest court of Judicature in the Pro- 
vince of Massachusetts twenty three years, and Chief Justice eight years 
more, which proves in a remarkable manner the foresight and enterprize 
of our fathers. " Mr. Smith [of Sandwich] rode with me, and showed 
me the place which some had thought to cut, for to make a passage 
from the South Sea to the North. He said it was about a mile and a 
half between the utmost flowing of the two seas in Herring River and 
Scusset, the land very low and level, Herring River exceeding pleas- 
ant, by reason that it runs pretty broad, shallow, of an equal depth, 


and upon white sand. He shewed me also three hills, on which the four 
towns kept Warders, before which was such an Isthmus of about three 
miles, and barren plain, that scarce any thing might pass unseen. Moni- 
ment harbour said to be very good." 2J. 

New York, June 10th, 1776. 

CONGRESS having- requested my attendance in Phil- 
adelphia, I was in that city when your letter of the 1 1th 
ult. came to this place — this day's post therefore affords 
me the first opportunity of acknowledging the receipt 
of it. 

I am hopeful that you applied to General Ward, and 
have received all the assistance that Mr. Machin could 
give in determining upon the practicability of cutting a 
canal between Barnstable and Buzzard's Bay ere this, 
as the great demand we have for engineers in this de- 
partment, Canada, &c, has obliged me to order Mr. 
Machin hither to assist in that branch of business. 

I thank you most heartily for your kind congratula- 
tions 9n the departure of the troops from Boston, and 
am, with very great esteem, 

Your most obedient, humble servant, 


Hon. James Bowdoin, Esq. 

Report on the Canal, 1776. 

The Committee appointed to get surveyed the isth- 
mus between Barnstable Bay and Buzzard's Bay, in or- 
der to ascertain the practicability of cutting a navigable 
canal between the said bays, have attended that service, 
and now beg leave to report ; that across the said isthmus 
is a low vale of land, through which a navigable canal 
may be cut ; that the distance across, in the direction of 
the canal, is near seven miles and an half; that of this 
26 vol. viii 


way the elevation of the ground, above low water mark, 
for about one mile and three quarters, is from four to 
eight feet perpendicular ; for four miles or a little more, 
the elevation is from eight to twelve feet ; and for the re- 
mainder of the way, about one and a half mile, where the 
land is highest, the elevation is from twelve, fourteen, six- 
teen, eighteen, twenty, twenty two, twenty four, thirty, 
up to thirty three feet eight inches perpendicular above 
low water mark on each side ; that a canal cut the^se seve- 
ral depths, as the different elevations require, would have 
a depth of water equal to the rise of the tides on the Barn- 
stable side, which, in common tides, is twelve feet, and 
in spring tides from fourteen to sixteen feet ; that com- 
mon tides on the Buzzard's Bay side rise about four feet : 
spring tides about six feet. The tide rose there, on the 
27th of June, four feet and one inch : high water being 
about half past 4 o'clock, P. M. On the Barnstable side 
it rose, the same day, about ten feet : high water there 
being about 8 o'clock, P. M. That this great difference 
in the rise of the tides and time of high water, which 
would cause a rapid current from Barnstable Bay into 
Buzzard's Bay, will make a double lock at each^end of 
the canal necessary, through which, the water being stag- 
nant by means of these locks, vessels could have an easy 
passage. That the surveyor, Mr. Machin, who has been 
much employed in works of this sort in England, has 
made a calculation of the expense, amounting to Z.32,148, 
1, 8, the particulars of which he has entered on his plan 
of the survey, which is herewith exhibited. There are 
several shoals on the Buzzard's Bay side, which Mr. Ma- 
chin had not time to examine, being in the Continental 
service, and ordered to New York by Gen. Washing- 
ton ; but which we think Col. Freeman, one of the Com- 
mittee, who lives near the said bay, should be, if the hon- 
ourable Court thought proper, directed to get examined, 
in order to determine their situation and the depth of 
water over them, and the navigability of that part of the 
said bay ; and to do the like on the Barnstable side. 

If there be a sufficient depth of water in that part of 
Buzzard's Bay, your Committee are of opinion that the 


cutting a navigable canal across the said isthmus is very 
practicable, and would be a great security to the naviga- 
tion to and from the southern United States, not only 
against an enemy, but by affording the means of avoiding 
the dangers of the shoals in passing round Cape Cod. 
But as the expense of erecting the said canal would be 
great, and the benefit of it would be general, your Com- 
mittee think it merits the consideration of the honourable 
Continental Congress, and therefore humbly propose to 
your Honours that, when the necessary information is had 
with regard to the navigableness of Buzzard's Bay to the 
southerly end of the canal, as delineated on the plan, the 
said plan or a copy of it, accompanied with every neces- 
sary information, should be sent to the Congress for their 

Estimate, which accompanied the preceding Report. 

No. 1. A double lock, - - - 1,500 

2. 1 mile and a quarter cutting, at 

12 feet deep, contains 162,272 

yards, at 6d. per yard, - 4,056 16 

3. 53,460 yards, at 6d. per yard, 1,336 10 

4. A draw, or swivel bridge, - 300 

5. Is 6 furlongs, from 12 feet 6 in. to 

18 feet 8 in.— contains 134,112 

solid yards, at Id. per yard, 3,911 12 

6. Is 2 furlongs on the summit — 

117,480 solid yards at 9d. per 

yard, ----- 4,405 10 

7. Is 2 furlongs, at 22 feet deep, 

76,120 solid yards, at 8c/. per 

yard, - - - - - 2,537 6 8 

8. 13 furlongs, at 6 feet deep, 43,758 

yards, at 6d. per yard, - - 1,093 19 

Amount carried over, Z. 19.141 13 8 


Brought over, /. 19,1 41 

13 8 

No. 9. 

A swivel bridge, - 



1 mile, at 12 feet deep, 121,704 

solid yards, at 6d. per yard, 




4 furlongs long, at 14 feet deep, 
is 110,880 solid yards, at 6d. 

per yard, - 



162,272 solid yards, at 6d. per 

yard, ----- 




A double lock, - 


300 barrows, at 9s. each, 


Deal plank, - 




Z.32,148 1 8 

From low water mark on the Buzzard's Bay side, to 
the summit, rises 33 feet 8 inches and 9-10ths. From 
the summit to low water mark, on Barnstable Bay side, 
fall 33 feet 4 inches, — the common tide, according to Mr. 
Pope's observations, flows 9 feet 2 inches ; but most com- 
mon tides flow 12 feet. 

By the help of two double locks, a canal may be made 
with 14 feet of water, viz. 12 feet cutting and 2 feet 
banks, through the flats. 


x\n original Letter of Roger Williams. 


To my much honoured kind friend the Gov. Bradstreet, 

at Boston, — Present. 

Providence, 6 May, 1682, (ut vulgo.) 

jl OUR person and place are born to trouble as the 
sparks flie upward ; yet I am grieved to disturb your 
thoughts or hands with any thing from me, and yet am 


refreshed with the thought that sometimes you subscribe 
[your willing servant :] and that your love and willing- 
ness will turn to your account also. 

Sir, by John Whipple of Providence I wrote lately 
(though the letter lay long by him) touching the widow 
Messinger's daughter Sarah Weld of Boston, whom I 
believe Jo : Homan of Boston hath miserably deluded, 
slandered, oppressed (her and his child) by barbarous in- 
humanity so that I humbly hope your mercy and justice 
will gloriously in publike kiss each other. 

Sir, this inclosed tells you that being old and weake 
and bruised (with a rupture and collick) and lameness on 
both my feet ; I am directed by the Father of our spirits 
to desire to attend his infinite Majesty with a poor mite 
(which makes but two farthings) by my fire side I have 
recollected the discourses which (by many tedious jour- 
nies) 1 have had with the scattered English at Nahiggon- 
set before the war and since. I have reduced them unto 
those twenty two heads (inclosed) which is near thirty 
sheets of my writing: I would send them to the Nahi- 
gonset and others, there is no controversie in them, only 
an endeavour of a particular match of each poore sinner 
to his Maker. For printing I am forced to write to my 
friends at Massachusetts, Connecticut, Plymouth, and our 
own colony, that he that hath a shilling and an heart to 
countenance and promote such a soule work may trust 
the great Paymaster (who is beforehand with us already) 
for an hundreth for one in this life. Sir, I have many 
friends at Boston, but pray you to call in my kind friends 
Capt. Brattle and Mr. Seth Perry, who may by your w r ise 
discretions, ease yourselfe of any burthen : I write to my 
honoured acquaintance at Roxbury Mr. Dudley and Mr. 
Eliot, and Mr. Stoughton at Dorchester, and to Capt. 
Gookins at Cambridge, and pray yourself and him to 
consult about a little helpe from Charls Towne where 
death has stript me of all my acquaintance. Sir, if you 
can return that chapter of my Reply to G- ton, con- 
cerning New England, I am advised to let it sleep, and 
forbear publick contests with Protestants, since it is the 
designe of Hell and Rome to cut the throats of all the 


protesters in the world. Yet I am occasioned in this 
booke to say much for the honour and peace of New 

Sir, I shall humbly wait for your advice where best it 
may be best be printed at Boston or Cambridge, and for 
how much, the printer finding paper. We have tidings 
here of Shaftsbury's and Howard's beheading, and con- 
trarily, their release, London manifestations of joy, and 
the King's calling a parliament. But all these are but 
sublunaries, temporaries and trivials. Eternitie (O Eter- 
nitie) is our business, to which end I am most unworthy 
to be 

Your willing and faithful servant, 


My humble respects to Mrs. Bradstreete, and other 
honoured friends. 

[In O. S. Coll. MSS.] 

An Estimate of the Charges of the Province Massachu- 
setts Bay, for the year 1764. 

W AGES per establishment for Castle 
William, Fort Halifax, Fort Pownal and 
Sloop Massachusetts in the service, 4,500 

Commissary's disbursements for purchas- 
ing provisions and other necessary 
stores for the forts and garrisons, 3,000 

His excellency's salary, judges', secretary's, 
president, treasurer, commissary, pro- 
fessors, speaker, clerks, chaplain, door- 
keeper, bounties, stipends, repairs of the 
light house, province and court house, 10,000 

Where there is no establishment, as for 
paper, printing, surgeons, wooding Cas- 
tle William, repairs of the fortifications, 3,500 

Carried up, Z.21,000 


Brought up, J.21,000 

For contingencies that may demand prompt 

payment, 200 

The honourable Council > and House of 
Representatives, pay, serving in the 
General Court during several sessions, 2,300 

Bounty on wheat, - 1,000 

Errours Excepted, 


[From the papers of the late Thomas Fayerweather, Esq. of Cam- 

The New Life of Virginea. 

[This curious little tract, of which mention can be found neither in 
the Bibliotheca Americana, nor in the American Library, is repub- 
lished from a copy in the Boston Atheneum, a repository for sGarce 
books relating to our country not excelled perhaps by any other in the 


Declaring the former successe and present estate of that plantation, 
being the second part of Nova Britannia. 

Published by the author it ie of his Majesties Counsell of Virginea. 

London, Imprinted by Felix Kyngston for William Welby, dwelling at 
the signe of the Swan in Pauls Churchyard. 1612. 

To the right Worshipful and worthie Knight Sir Thorn- 
as Smith of London, Governour of the Moscovia and 
East India Companies, one of his Majesties Counsell 
for Virginea, and Treasurer for the Colony : Peace 
and health in Christ. 

AT is come to passe (right Worshipful) with the busi- 
nesse and plantation of Virginea, as it is commonly seene 
in the attempt and progresse of all other most excellent 


things, (which is) to be accompanied with manifold diffi- 
culties, crosses and disasters, being such as are appointed 
by the highest providence, as an exercise of patience and 
other vertues, and to make more wise thereby the mana- 
gers thereof: by which occasion not only the ignorant 
and simple minded are much discouraged, but the mali- 
tious and looser sort (being accompanied with the licen- 
tious vaine of stage Poets) have whet their tongues with 
scornfull taunts against the action it selfe, in so much as 
there is no common speech nor publike name of any 
thing this day, (except it be the name of God) which 
is more wildly depraved, traduced and derided by such 
unhallowed lips, then the name of Virginea. For which 
cause (right noble Knight) I have set my selfe to publish 
this briefe apollogie to the sight and view of all men, not 
to answer any such in their particular folly, but to free 
the name it selfe from the injurious scoffer, and this com- 
mendable enterprise from the scorne and derision of any 
such, as by ignorance or .malice have sought the way to 
wrong it. Which albeit I am well assured will no way 
availe to admonish or amend the incorrigible loosenes of 
such untamed tongues, yet shall I hold mine endevours 
well acquited, if I may but free your selfe, and so many 
right noble, and well affected gentlemen (touching the 
former ill successe) from wrongfull imputation, as also 
satisfie the despairing thoughts, and quicken the zeal of 
such friends and lovers to this businesse, as in their re- 
mote and forraine residence, by the spreading of rumours 
and false reports doe rest unsatisfied. Wherein (as I 
hope) not to exceed the bounds of modestie and truth, 
so for orders sake I have set it down in a briefe method 
of three parts. The first is nothing else but a briefe re- 
lating of things alreadie done and past : The second, of 
the present estate of the businesse : And the third doth 
tend as a premonition to the planters and adventurers for 
the time to come. 

And this I offer to the patronage of your Worship 
alone, being the chiefest patron of this and of many more 
worthie services : wherein I presume not any way to 
counsell or direct your wisedome in your further pro- 


ceedings, whom long experience in Common-wealth af- 
faires (besides that abilitie and wisedome of minde infused 
by God J hath made most able and sufficient of your selfe 
to direct many others, but as wishing heereby (if I might 
in some measure) to ease the burthen of your mind, un- 
der the wise and painfull managing of your many publike 
actions : for which I pray that God will please, to con- 
tinue still your health and strength of body, with answer- 
able successe, to your honest, wise, and most approved 
desires. R. I. 

The New Life of Virginea. 

In that most sacred historie penned by the Prophet 
Moses, (the first historian that ever wrote, and left his 
writings to posteritie) it is recorded, that when the pride 
of earthlie men, in the race and progenie of Noah, began 
to aspire and sought to clime the Celestial throne ; it so 
highly provoked the Majestic of God, that consulting 
with the Deitie, and comming downe by his word and 
almightie power, he subverted their devices and proud 
attempt, infatuating their understanding by confounding 
their tongues, and leaving each one to his severall waies, 
to follow the pronesse and follie of his owne heart, so that 
from this scattering and casting them out like unprofitable 
seed upon the dust of the earth, did spring up (as weeds 
in solitarie places) such a barbarous and unfruitful race 
of mankinde, that even to this day (as is very probable) 
many huge and spatious Countries and corners of the 
world unknowne, doe still swarme and abound with the 
innumerable languages of this dispersed crue, with their 
inhumane behaviour and brutish conditions, and how- 
soever God laying this heavie curse and punishment upon 
them, that for the space of three thousand yeares and more, 
did never vouchsafe the hand of the weeder, to dense 
and give redresse to so desolate and outgrowne wilder- 
nesse of humaine nature, yet such is his eternall purpose, 
who in his owne appointed time, doth reskue the brand 
27 vol. viii. 


from burning and the prey from the \ Lions teeth, that 
like as we our selves and our forefathers (the first fruites of 
the Gentiles, who were all guilty of that great conspira- 
cie) which were strangers from the Commonwealth of Is- 
rael, and lived long time without God in the world, were 
yet at length reduced home to that familie of saints and 
sonnes of God, so now appeareth the same grace, which 
God out of his secret counsell begins to extend and give 
to the remnants of those scattered Gentiles, our kinsmen 
and younger brethren (as I may say) the sundrie nations 
of America : which as they consist of infinite confused 
tongues and people, that sacrifice their children to serve 
the divel, as those heathens did their sonnes 
Levit. 20. 2. and daughters to Molech : yet who can 
doubt or say, but even amongst these, God 
may have his speciall numbers, from whose neckes hee 
will now remove that heavie yoake of bondage; and to 
that end it is to be observed, when after that great apos- 
tacie foretold by the spirit of God, and which for many 
hundred yeares had almost drowned the christian world 
in superstition and Idolatrie ; God that raised up her 
Majestie, our late Soveraigne, and put into her heart, by 
wholesome lawes to wipe away that mist of popish dimnes 
from our eyes, whereby we saw the light more cleare, 
did likewise move her Princely mind to proffer that light 
to this blinde and miserable people, in giving the first in- 
couragement by our English Colonies to make plantation 
there, and according to her selfe, and the condition of her 
sexe, she named the Countrey Virginea : which mee 
thinkes should enforce from them that love the monu- 
ments of her never dying memoire, a fervent bond of 
zeale to that name and worke of God, the ground whereof 
was laid by her, the happinesse of whose raigne was our 
unspeakable joy, and will be derived to our posteritie. 

And howsoever God pleased not to suffer the perform- 
ance of that excellent worke in her daies (as hee likewise 
denied King David, whose purpose and preparation was 
to have built a Temple for the Lord) yet hee raised up 
(like Salomon) the best and wisest among the sonnes of 
men to be our King, and hath bent his royall disposition, 


by many gratious privileges, and giving his customes free- 
ly, to build this Temple for the Lord, yea many living 
temples for the honour of his name. 

What shall wee then say, when thus the powers of 
heaven and earth encouraged the enterprize, and stirred 
up the spirits of worthy men, not the basest, but of the 
best and most honorable minded in the kingdome, to en- 
gage themselves to solicite their friends to assemble and 
consult advisedly how to replant this unnatural vine to 
make it fruitfull, when they looked to heaven they saw a 
promise, and looking to earthward they saw a blessing. 
And albeit in that infancie their numbers were but small, 
yet their willing resolution supplying that want, they made 
out 3. shippes with Captaine Newport, for a discoverie, 
who within few monethes returned with relation of a 
countrie discovered and seated like that pleasant land de- 
scribed by Moses, the stones whereof were brasse and 
iron, whose mountaines, vallies and streams did all attend 
some good employment, that they saw a poore people 
living there in the shadow of death, without light or sense 
of their owne miserie, and that there wanted nothing but 
Industrie and art to adde to nature. 

Upon which encouragement new supplies were made ; 
with expedition some few hundreds of our men were left 
there by Captaine Newport, with al kind of provisions 
and directions for the ground and foundation of a Com- 
mon-wealth. Their barbarous king Powhatan entertain- 
ed them lovingly, and admitted them a large countrie to 
inhabit, the poore Savages brought them such relief as 
they had ; our owne people wrote letters home in praise 
of the countrie, and labored their friends to come thither, 
thay began to fortifie where they saw convenient, they 
built a Church and many houses together, which they 
named James Towne, they nourished their swine, hens, 
and other provisions they carried out of England, which 
plentifully encreased : they cut downe wood for wanscot, 
blacke walnut tree, Spruce, Cedar and Deale, they got 
rich furs, dying stuffe, minerals and iron ore (which made 
excellent good iron) they planted orange trees, corne, and 
sundrie kindes of seeds, they made Sope ashes and Tar, 


with some Sturgeon and Caveare, and of each of these 
they sent us small quantities, with store of Sassafrasse, 
and some wine of those countrie grapes for a triall : all 
which being the work but of a small number, not fully 
settled, gave sufficient testimony what might bee effect- 
ed there by settling good government, and sending more 
supplies of men, and meanes to plant the soile and make 

This happy proceeding caused the action to be ac- 
counted as wonne, and caused so many willing minds to 
adventure their monies, that there wanted not sufficient 
meanes, to furnish out a fleet of 9. good ships, with the 
better part of five hundred men to inhabit there. Sir 
Thomas Gates being Lieutenant generall, and Sir George 
Sommers Admirall of Virginea, both of them appointed 
by commission to reside in the countrie to governe the 
Colonie, which together set saile and departed the coast 
of England with a faire wind the first of June 1609. 

But who can withstand the counsell of God that sits in 
the stearne of all actions, and so directed this present 
fleet, that before they came neere the coast of Virginea, 
the ship named the Sea Venture, being also Admiral of 
the fleet, wherin were shipped the two Knights before 
named, and Captaine Newport with an hundred and fiftie 
persons, was violently taken and carried with the rage of 
tempestuous stormes, without hope or likelihood of life 
at least an hundred leagues to the sowthward, till they 
arrived upon the desperate shore of the Hands of Bermu- 
dus, where betweene two rockes the ship split in peeces, 
and yet by the miraculous hand of God and industrie of 
the Captaines, all the people escaped safe to land and not 
a man perished. 

Of whose long abode and preservation in these broken 
deserts, and of their strange and wonderfull deliverie 
thence, it is already related and published by Sir Thomas 
Gates, and so I returne to the other eight ships, which 
escaping the danger of seas arived at the port, and land- 
ed their men in Virginea. 

By which meanes the body of the plantation, was now 
augmented with such numbers of irregular persons, that 


it soone became as so many members without a head, 
who as they were bad and evill affected for the most part 
before they went hence ; so now being landed, and want- 
ing restraint, they displaied their condition in al kind of 
loosenes, those chiefe and wisest guides among them 
(whereof there were not many) did nothing but bitterly 
contend who should be first to command the rest, the 
common sort, as is ever seene in such cases, grew fac- 
tious and disordered out of measure, in so 
much as the poore Colonie seemed (like the Parsons letter 
Colledge of English fugitives in Rome) as a libels. 6 
hostile Campe within it selfe : in which dis- 
temper that envious man stept in, sowing plentifull tares 
in the hearts of all, which grew to such speedie confusion, 
that in few moneths, Ambition, sloth and idlenes had de- 
voured the fruits of former labours, planting and sowing 
were cleane given over, the houses decaied, the Church 
fell to ruine, the store was spent, the cattell consumed, 
our people starved, and the poore Indians by wrongs and 
injuries were made our enemies, two of the ships return- 
ing home perished upon the point of Ushant, the rest of 
the fleet came ship after ship, laden with nothing but bad 
reports and letters of discouragement : and which added 
the more to our crosse, they brought us newes that the 
Admirall ship, with the two Knights and Captaine New- 
port were missing, severed in a mightie storme outward, 
and could not be heard of, which we therefore yeelded as 
lost for many moneths together, and so that Virgine voy- 
age (as 1 may tearme it) which went out smiling on her 
lovers with pleasant lookes, after her wearie travailes, did 
thus returne with a rent and disfigured face : for which 
how justly her friends tooke occasion of sorrow, and oth- 
ers to insult and scoffe, let men of reason judge. And as 
for those wicked Impes that put themselves a shipboord, 
not knowing otherwise how to live in England ; or those 
ungratious sons that dailie vexed their fathers hearts at 
home, and were therefore thrust upon the voyage, which 
either writing thence, or being returned back, to cover 
their own leudnes doe fill mens eares with false reports of 
their miserable and perilous life in Virginea, let the im- 


putation of miserie be -to their idlenes, and the blood that 
was spilt upon their own heads that caused it. 

And howsoever it is true, that upon these events many 
adventurers which had formerly well affected the busi- 
nesse, when they saw such unexpected tragedies with- 
drew themselves and their monies from adventure. Not- 
withstanding it lessened much the preparation, yet it 
hindered not the resolution of that honourable 
Warre.° rdla Lord (appointed Lord Governour) to goe in 
his owne person, who together with the rest 
of the adventurers assisting his setting forth, having in 
their wisdomes rightlie weighed, that to the desired end 
of all good actions in this life, the way doth lie as well, 
with rough and craggie steps as smooth and easie paths, 
did presently set on with three good ships, wherin the 
Lord Governour, attended with Sir Ferdinando Wainman 
and sundry others, set saile from the coast of England, in 
the beginning of Aprill 1610, and on the 9. of June arriv- 
ed safely at the disfortified fort in Virginea, where his 
Lordship finding their desperate condition so poore and 
meane, and so cleere a consumption of all former emploi- 
ments, that scarsely appeared the steps or print of twenty 
hundred groats disbursed, which had truly cost the Ad- 
venturers here above twentie thousand pounds. 

And thus wee stood in state of Marchants that had ad- 
ventured much and lost all : in which case we might now 
make answere with King Alexander (having given away 
al to his Captaines) we had nothing left but hope, and this 
hope of ours wee fixed much (if not too much) upon that 
honourable Lord Governour, then landed in Virginea, 
who as the world and our selves knew tight well to be 
religious and wise, of a strong bodie and valerous minde, 
and under his wings so confidently reposed the shield of 
our businesse, that God minding to make us know that 
our arme was yet but flesh, even in the front of his enter- 
prize overthrew the Nobleman by laying such a heavie 
hand of sicknesse and diseases upon him, that unable to 
weld and support the state of his owne body, much lesse 
the affaires of the Colonie, he was forced with griefe of 
heart, through the anguish and dolor of his maladie, and 


for remedie to save his life, after eight moneths sicknesse 
to returne for England againe : which when the Adven- 
turers saw that the expectance of such a preparation came 
to nothing, how great a dampe of coldnesse it wrought 
in the hearts of all, may easile be deemed. 

And yet had we left one sparke of hope unquencht, for 
before wee knew any such thing of his Lordships weak- 
nesse, or once imagined his returning home, we had fur- 
nisht out Sir Thomas Dale with a good supplie of three 
ships, men, cattell, and many provisions : all which ariv- 
ed safe at the Colonie the 10. of May 1611. And not- 
withstanding the Knight at his landing there found the 
Lord Governour to bee gone, whereof he wrote us home 
most dolefull letters, as also of the fewnesse, idlenesse and 
weake estate wherein hee found the Colony ; yet de- 
cyphered he the country in divers of his letters with ad- 
mirable praise, giving us notice of his proceeding to for- 
tifie, to build, to plant, and that the health of our men 
was now recovered by setting them to labour, assuring 
the adventurers so long as he remained there, their ships 
should never returne emptie ; his words are 
these : But if any thing otherwise then well g^TiTomls ° f 
betide me in this businesse, let me commend Dales letter to 
unto your carefulnesse, the pursuite and dig- JJ^ Commit - 
nitie of this businesse, then which your purses 
and endevours will never open nor travell in a more ac- 
ceptable and meritorious enterprize, take foure of the best 
kingdomes in Christendome, and put them all together, 
they may no way compare with this countrie, either for 
commodities or goodnesse ofsoile. And this sparke (I say) 
so kindled in the hearts of those constant adventurers, 
that in the greatest disasters never fainted, which having 
past over so many foule and wearie steps, and seeing now 
so faire a way before them, bent all their wits and con- 
sultations how to second this good beginning of such a 
setled government. And after many meetings, when they 
could resolve upon no great supplie for want of meanes, 
the discouragement of many being such by former ill 
successe, yet in fine it was resolved ; through the impor- 
tunate zeale and forwardnesse of some, against the opin- 


ion of many, without delay to furnish out Sir Thomas 
Gates with sixe shippes, three hundred men and an hun- 
dred kine, with other cattell, munition and provisions of 
all sorts ; which notwithstanding it grew so r 1 epe an en- 
gagement of our purses and credits, that for the present 
wee knew not how to discharge it, yet assuredly it hath 
proved (as wee hope) the most fortunate and happie 
steppe that ever our businesse tooke, and hath highly ap- 
proved the wisdome and resolution of those 
Cecfii G si" e Ro" W0l *thy gentlemen that were the causers of it : 
bert Manseii and so at this period, as with a cleare evening 
others 01 " 6 t0 a cloudie day, I will put an end to this my 

first part of relating things already done and 

The second part ensueth of the present estate of the 
businesse, upon which point I know that all mens eares 
are now most attent, for which I must be sparing to 
speake so much as might bee said, for surely men will 
not beleeve (though nature daily shew it in other courses) 
that in this case yet, so great a tide of flowing should sud- 
denly ensue so great an ebbe of want, in last December 
Captaine Newport in the Starre, and since that five oth- 
er shippes are arived heere from the Colonie, by which 
we know that Sir Thomas Gates with his sixe shippes, 
men and cattell, safelie arived at James Towne, about the 
fine of August last, the suddaine approach of such an un- 
looked for supplie, did so amaze our people, when the 
Fort had first descried the Fleete, and gave it out for en- 
emies, that so soone as the newes went up the river to 
Sir Thomas Dale, he being a warlike and resolute Cap- 
taine, prepared him instantly and all the rest for an en- 
counter, which by how much the suddaine apprehension 
perplexed their minds for the present, yet so much the 
more exceeded their comfort, when they knew them to 
be friends. 

When they had all things well landed, and given 
thankes to God, the Knights and Captaines now began 
to frame the Colonie to a new conformitie, whereof the 
Lord Governour at his being there, most carefullie had 
more then laide the ground before, their first and chiefest 


care was shewed in setling Lawes divine and moral], for 
the honour and service of God, for daily frequenting the 
Church, the house of prayer, at the tolling of the bell, for 
preaching, catechizing, and the religious observation of 
the Sabbath day, for due reverence to the Ministers of the 
Word, and to all superiours, for peace and love among 
themselves, and enforcing the idle to paines and honest 
labours, against blasphemie, contempt and dishonour of 
God, against breach of the Sabbath by gaming : and oth- 
erwise against adulterie, sacriledge and felonie ; and in a 
word, against all wrongfull dealing amongst themselves, 
or injurious violence against the Indians. Good are these 
beginnings, wherein God is thus before, good are these 
lawes, and long may they stand in their due execution. 
But what is this (will some object) if wholesome lodging, 
cloathing for the backe and bodilie foode be wanting, 
the bellie pincht with hunger cannot heare, though your 
charme be otherwise never so sweet. All this was true, 
we have already confest it, when there was nothing but a 
confused troope that sought their owne consumption, 
tempora mutantur. 

You shall know that our Colonie consisteth now of 
seven hundred men at least, of sundrie arts and profes- 
sions, some more or lesse, they stand in health, and few 
sicke, at the ships comming thence, having left the fort at 
Cape Henry, fortified and kept by Captaine Davies, and 
the keeping of James towne to that noble and 
well deserving Gentleman Master George Hewentthi. 

T> rpi . 5 f>t i • i A , ther five y ceres 

rercie. 1 lie Colunie is removed up the since in the 
river fourscore miles further beyond James filstshl P 
towne to a place of higher ground, strong 
and defencible by nature, a good aire, wholesome and 
cleere (unlike the marish seate at James towne) with fresh 
and plentie of water springs, much faire and open grounds 
freed from woods, and wood enough at hand. 

Being thus invited, here they pitch, the spade men fell 
to digging, the brick men burnt their bricks, the compa- 
ny cut down wood, the Carpenters fell to squaring out, 
the Sawyers to sawing, the Souldier to fortifying, and 
every man to somewhat. And to answer the first objec- 
ts VOL. VIII. 


tion for holesome lodging, here they have built compe- 
tent and decent houses, the first storie all of bricks, 
that every man may have his lodging and dwelling place 
apart by himselfe, with a sufficient quantitie of ground 
alotted thereto for his orchard and garden to plant at his 
pleasure, and for his own use. Here they were building 
also an Hospitall with fourescore lodgings (and beds 
alreadie sent to furnish them) for the sicke and lame, with 
keepers to attend them for their comfort and recoverie. 
And as for their clothing, first of wollen (whereof they 
have least need, because the countrie is very w r arme) it is 
and must be alwaies supplied from hence, to the benefit 
of English clothing : but for linnen, which they shall 
most need, without doubt by small and easie industrie 
there may amount a great increase from thence, to furnish 
by way of merchandise, for England, not only by plant- 
ing Hemp and Fiax, which that climate maketh far re 
surpassing ours, both in growth and goodnesse, but by a 
new found stuffe of a certaine sedge or water flagge (re- 
vealed unto them by an Indian) which groweth there 
naturally in endlesse abundance, and with little paines 
of boyling, it being gathered, yeeldeth great quantitie of 
sundrie sorts of skeines of good strength and length, some 
like silke, and some like flax, and some a courser sort, as 
hempe : whereof the last ships brought hither for a triall 
about two hundred pound waight ; which being put to 
triall heere (as many can witnesse which have seene it) 
wil make cordage, linnen, and fine stuffes both for strength 
and beautie, such as no use nor service can finde the like 
of any other kinde. 

And for the last and maine objection of food, it cannot 
be denied by any one of reason, but with their now dili- 
gent planting and sowing of corne (whereof they have 
two harvests in a sommer) the plentifull fishing there, the 
store of fowles and fruits of the earth, their present pro- 
vision sent from hence at every shipping, together with 
the speedy increase of those sundrie sorts of tame Poul- 
try, Conies, Goats, Swine and Kine landed there above a 
yere agoe with Sir Thomas Dale, and since againe by Sir 
Thomas Gates, that this objection too, this maine objec- 


tion of wanting food is utterly remooved : so that I can- 
not see, nor any man else can judge in truth, but that ill 
and odious wound of Virginea, which setled so deepe a 
scarre in the mindes of many, is so sufficiently recovered, 
as it may now encourage not such alone (as heretofore) 
which cannot live at home, nor lay their bones to labour, 
but those of honest minds and better sort, which get their 
bread but meanly heere, may seek to mend it there. 
Captaine Samuel Argoll, a Gentleman of good service, is 
readie with two ships. 

The Lord Governour himselfe is now preparing to goe 
in his owne person, and sundrie other Knights and Gen- 
tlemen, with ships and men, so fkrre as our meanes will 
extend to furnish : and for preventing that 
wrong, which some Masters and Stewards Sir w s 

have formerly done to their passengers at sea, Sira.w. 

in shortening their allowance, for their owne 
private lucar, it is ordered that every ship upon her mast 
shall have it written, what ought to be every daies allow- 
ance, that every one may see it, and no man be defraud- 
ed. And thus much briefly for the present condition of 
this plantation. 

It followes now to conclude with the third and last di- 
vision directed to the Colonic : And first to you the 
heads and guides of that plantation, it cannot be doubted, 
but as you are wise and provident men you tooke this 
worke in hand, forecasting wisely that the price thereof 
might be no lesse then the care of your mindes, rite la- 
bour of your bodies, and perill of your lives. And see- 
ing you are sure of nothing more then the extremest 
lots, which either the barren coldnesse of such a naked 
action in the infancie thereof, or the malice of divellish 
men can cast upon you, arme your selves therefore against 
all impediments, to effect those honorable ends that were 
first intended to be put upon our King, upon our nation, 
and Christian religion, by that plantation. If the work 
be more hard and difficult then you took it for, and that 
you must like Hannibal (piercing the stony Alpes) make 
cleare the way to your desired ends with fire and vin- 
eger ; will not your honour be the greater, and your ser- 


vice more acceptable in the performance of it ? Nay, if 
losse of life befall you by this service (which God forbid) 
yet in this case too, we doubt not but you are resolved 
with constant courage, like that noble King Henry the 
fift, before his triumphant victorie in the fields of Agin- 
court, where seeing the fewnesse of his own, and multi- 
tude of enemies, like a valiant Champion to stir up his 
little Armie against that great conflict ; Be cheered my 
hearts (said he) and let us fight like English men, all 
England prayeth for us : if here we dye, let this be our 
comfort, our cause is good, and wee hare fathers, brothers, 
friends and countriinen that icil revenge our deaths. 

Your fust conflict is from your savage enemies the na- 
tives of the Countrie, who as you know are neither strong 
nor many ; their strongest forces are sleights and treche- 
rie, more to be warily prevented than much to be feared. 
But as for those your other friends, which challenge it all 
as theirs by deed of gift, not from Alexander the Great 
King of Macedonia, but from Alexander of Rome, Vice- 
roy of that great Prince, which offered at once the whole 
world to have himselfe adored, which (as is said) doe 
brute it out in all mens eares to pull you out of posses- 
sion ; you know they are but men, and such 

Theii -wisdowe as y our se ^ ves can we ^ remember, that in all 
is such as they attempts against our late Soveraigne, God 
no w°rong you defeated their purposes, and brought them 
to nothing. But howsoever it fared then, 
(God in mercy shielding that gratious Queen, that no 
attempt could touch her little finger, nor worke her least 
dishonour) yet I am no Prophet to warrant now, but God 
(for causes knowne to him) may give you as a prey into 
the hands of the weakest, yet herein rest assured, and it 
cannot possiblie bee otherwise, but that the zeale of this 
action hath discovered such and so many worthie spirits 
of all degrees in England to be upholders of it, as for 
their credits sake and reputation, will never leave you 
without convenient meanes to make defence, nor your 
least indignitie by savage foes or civil friends will suffer 
unrequited. There is laid upon you in this worke a 
threefold labour to be done upon your selves, upon your 


English, and upon the poore Indians. And first upon 
yourselves ; for all mens eares and eyes are so fixed up- 
on Kings and Rulers, that they keepe a register in minde 
of what ever they doe or speake, the better sort of love 
to imitate their goodnes, and the looser sort of flatterie to 
applaud their wickednes and sooth them in their viees : 
when your wholesom lawes shall have no execution, 
when you shall publish and pretend for the honour of 
God, and good of the publike weale, and yet shall care 
for neither of both, but be loose in your owne course of 
life, giving way to ambition, idlenesse, and all unbridled 
appetite, to your tongues in swearing, to your bodies in 
unchastity, making your owne Courts and houses cages 
of proud, uncleane and all disordered persons, enforcing 
the good to pine away with grief, and advancing men of 
bad deserts, accounting it happie to doe what you list, 
when no man dares reprove you ; miserie and confusion 
will be the emi of this, and you shal leave for your 
monuments shame and dishonour behinde you to all pos- 

But if, like wise and prudent guides, as we do rightly 
esteeme yon, in rearing this great frame, you shall lay the 
foundation in your owne steps, and by your owne exam- 
ple shall teach your inferiours the feare of God, and by 
your modest recreations, and commendable labours shall 
leade them on to doe the like, especially in that most 
wholesome, profitable and pleasant work of planting, in 
which it pleased God himself to set the first man and 
most excellent creature Adam in his innocencie, to which 
the best Kings of Israel were most addicted, and by which 
so many kingdoms are much inriched, and for which the 
noble King Cirus that great Monarch is so much com- 
mended, whose glorie was to all ambassadors and forraine 
States (notwithstanding his being a Souldier and a Con- 
querour of great employment) in shewing the comelie 
order of his owne handie worke. When thus your light 
shall gaide their fcete, sweete will that harmonie be be- 
tweene the head and members of the bodie, then may 
sleepe the rigour of your lawes, and you shal resemble 
the best and wisest sort of Kings, which by the influence 


of their grace and love doe dailie cure consumptions, 
melancholies and evill effected mindes, as also make their 
hearts more honest and upright, and then that worke 
(though burnt as stubble heretofore) yet being thus 
grounded shal abide, you shall live in honour and die in 
peace ; the succeeding ages of those converted Infidels 
shall count you happy, and that precious seed which you 
have sowne in teares, shal be as blessed sheaves upon 
your heads for ever. 

The next is dutie towards your Colonie (the common 
sort of English) and that in few words, let them live as 
free English men, under the government of just and 
equall lawes, and not as slaves after the will and lust of 
any superiour : discourage them not in growing religious, 
nor in gathering riches, two especiall bonds (whether se- 
vered or conjoined) to keepe them in obedience, the one 
for conscience sake, the other for feare of losing what they 
have gotten : without the first they are prophane, without 
the second desperate, and apt for every factious plot to 
bee instruments of mischiefe. Such have alvvaies bin 
the beggarly, ignorant and superstitious sort of Irish, and 
no better were we our English (and Scottish nation too) 
ever unquiet, never constant, readie for insurrections and 
murther, to depose their Kings, and maintaine rebellion, 
before the daies of that renowned Deborah our late Sove- 
raigne, that shining starre, the splendour of whose bright- 
nesse, darkned the glorie of all other Princes in her time 
(as even popish historians of sundrie forraine Nations 
tearme her) who brought us to that light, whereby wee 
live as men of knowledge in due subjection, enjoying 
honour, peace and wealth, the handmaids of religion. 
We must confesse as yet you are but poore, your com- 
panie few, and your meanes unable to effect 
For which sort t nose ends in any great measure. But for 

of men we wish 1 r» 1 

we had better the first steppe, you have some rreachers 
giveTem, or there alreadie, and more wee intend to send 
they were you so soone as they may be provided. And 

ArtiuTsen&e. for the second, the land is before you to dis- 
pose to every man for his house and ground, 
wherein to employ hirnselfe for his owne benefit, that no 


man may live idle nor unprofitable. And for their better 
incouragement in doing well, advance all such of best 
disposed life, and none but such : and though your pre- 
ferments be not great, nor your Common-wealth setled, 
yet now is most need of these admonitions : for in the 
beginning and prime of your businesse, whiles you are 
but young and few, those succeeding enormities of bribe- 
rie, drunkennesse and disordered life, may sooner be pre- 
vented, then having once got habite and footing amongst 
you they can be redressed : for if in laying now the 
ground worke of your businesse, you suffer it to be smo- 
thered up together with impunitie of vices, (as seeds and 
roots of noisome weeds) they will soon spring up to such 
corruption in all degrees as can never bee weeded out. 

And for the poore Indians what shall I say, but God 
that hath many waies shewed mercie to you, make you 
shew mercie to them and theirs. And howsoever they 
may seeme unto you so intolerable wicked and rooted in 
mischiefe, that they cannot be moved, yet consider right- 
ly and be not discouraged, they are no worse than the 
nature of Gentiles, and even of those Gentiles 
so hainouslie decyphered by S. Paul to bee Rom. 1. 

full of wickednesse, haters of God, doers of 
wrong, such as could never be appeased, and yet himselfe 
did live to see, that by the fruits of his owne labours, 
many thousands even of them became true beleeving 
Christians, and of whose race and offspring consisteth 
(well neere) the whole Church of God at this day. This 
is the worke that we first intended, and have publisht to 
the world to be chiefe in our thoughts to bring those in- 
fidell people from the worship of Divels to the service of 
God. And this is the knot that you must untie, or cut 
asunder, before you can conquer those sundrie impedi- 
ments, that will surely hinder all other proceedings, if this 
be not first preferred. 

Take their children and traine them up with gentle- 
nesse, teach them our English tongue, and the principles 
of religion ; winne the elder sort by wisdome and dis- 
cretion, make them equal with your English in case of 
protection wealth and habitation, doing justice on such 


as shall doe them wrong. Weapons of warre are need- 
full, I grant, but for defence only, and not in this case. 
If you seeke to gaine this victorie upon them by strata- 
gems of warre, you shall utterly lose it, and never come 
neere it, but shall make your names odious to all their 
posteritie. In steed of Iron and Steele you must have 
patience and humanitie to manage their crooked nature 
to your form of civilitie : for as our proverbe is, Looke 
how you winne them, so you must weare them : if by 
way of peace and gentlenesse, then shall you alwaies 
range them in love to you wards, and in peace with your 
English people ; and by proceeding in that way, shall 
open the springs of earthly benefits to them both, and of 
safetie to your selves. 

Imitating the steppes of your wise and prudent Sove- 
raigne, and preparing the way of peace (so much as lies 
in you) before the second comming of that King of 
peace, at whose first comming into this earthly region 
the world was all in peace, under the peaceable regiment 
of Augustus Csesar, who though an unbeleeving Hea- 
then, yet of such excellent morall vertues, as might set to 
schoole many Christian Kings and Rulers, whose care 
and studie for the safety, peace and Common-wealth of 
his Empire, gat him such honour in his life, and love of 
all his subjects, that being dead, his losse was so lament- 
ed with excesse of griefe and sorrow, but most amongst 
the Romanes, that they wisht to God hee had never been 
borne, or being borne, hee might never have died. 

And so I come to you that be the Adventurers here in 
England : with which I will conclude, it is not much 
above an hundred yeeres agoe, that these Adventures for 
discoveries were first undertaken by the Southerne parts 
of Christendome, but especially so seconded and followed 
by the Spanish nation both to the East and West Indies, 
that Mendoza (their countriman) in his treatise of Warre, 
extolleth King Philip and the Spanish nation above the 
skies, for seeking in such sort to inlarge their bounds by 
sea and land, seeming (as it were) with a secret scorne to 
set out the basenesse of our English and other nations in 
this, that they never intend any such attempts, but with a 


kind of sluggish contentment, doe account it their happi- 
nesse to keepe that poore little which they possesse. In- 
deed wee must acknowledge it, with praise to God, that 
when some of theirs had cast an evill eye upon 
our possessions, it was our happinesse to prevent Ireland, 
their longing, and to send them emptie home. 
But for that other part of inlarging their bounds, in truth 
their praise is duly given, and well deserved : and it may 
justly serve to stirre us up by all our means to put off 
such reproachfull censures ; and seeing when time did of- 
fer it, our nation lost the first opportunity of having ail, 
yet now to make good that common speech, that English 
men are best at imitation, and doe soone excell their 

It is knowne well enough to you, what need we have 
in this case, to stirre up (if it were possible) our whole 
nation : for notwithstanding wee have in our Letters 
Patents, the names of many Lords and Knights, Gentle- 
men, Marchants and others, able in truth to performe a 
greater matter than this, if we were al of one mind ; but 
as they are many, so I may divide them as thus into three 
equall parts : The one third part are such as tooke liking 
of the plantation, and brought in one adventure, expect- 
ing a while till they saw some disasters to accompanie 
the businesse, whereas they looked for present gaine, and 
so they gave it over, bidding it adiew, and never lookt 
after it more. Another third part are such as came in, 
and with their own hands did underwrite to furnish three 
adventures in three yeeres : whereof some few of them 
have paid the first paiment, but refuse to pay the rest ; 
yet most of them, notwithstanding they are tied by their 
owne hand writing (whereby a very great charge was un- 
dertaken by the Companie) doe utterly refuse to make 
any paiment at all : which if it proceeded out of their 
povertie it were not so much to be blamed ; for wee 
presse no man out of his inability to wrong himselfe : 
but these are of the greater sort, such as would scorne to 
have it said they offer wrong in hazarding the losse of all, 
and the lives of many men. I doubt not but some rea- 
sonable course will be taken by your honourable wise- 
29 vol. viii. 


domes to make them see their error : in the meane time, 
I know not how to call this kinde of dealing. But I 
remember of one that takes upon him to describe king 
Richard usurper, and comming to his visage, he saith it 
was sterne, such as in Kings we call warlike, but in 
meaner men crabbed. Surely if this kind of fast and 
loose were plaid by men of meaner sort, I could soone 
tell how to tearme it : but if you will needes have it war- 
like, in respect of their sterne refusall, yet let it be crab- 
bed too, because of their sower lookes when they see the 
Collectors come for mony. 

So that of all our Adventurers, I may well say there is 
but one third part, which (to their praise) from the first 
undertaking to this day have not ceased to give their 
counsels, spend their times, and lay downe their monies, 
omitting no occasion to expresse their zeale for effecting 
(if it may be possible) so great a worke for their King 
and Countries honour, as our nation never tooke the like 
in hand. And for this cause, the burthen being heavier 
than may well be borne by the shoulders of so few willing 
mindes, wee do still provoke our private friends, and 
have now obtained the helpe of publike Lotteries to 
maintaine the same. Which though it bee no usuall 
course in England, yet very common in divers neighbour 
countries, for the publike service of most commendable 
actions, wherein no man being compelled to adventure 
lots further than his owne liking, and being assured of di- 
rect and currant dealing, though all his lots come blanke ; 
yet if his minde be upright, he rests content in this, that 
his money goeth to a publike worke, wherein he hath his 
part of benefit, though he, never so meane and remote in 
his dwelling. 

And if any man aske, what benefit can this plantation 
be to them that be no Adventurers therein, but only in 
the Lottery ? First, we say, (setting aside their possibili- 
ti'e of prize) what man so simple that doth not see the 
necessitie of employment for our multitude of people ? 
which though they be our florishing fruits of peace and 
health, yet be they no longer good and holesome in them- 
selves, then either our domesticke or forraine actions can 


make them profitable, or not hurtfull to the Common- 

And as it is unpossible without this course of sending 
out the ofspring of our families, in so great a bodie of 
many millions, which yeerely doe increase amongst us, 
to prevent their manifold diseases of povertie, corruption 
of minde, and pestilent infection, so the burthen thereof 
in some proportion is felt by every man in his private 
calling, either in the taxe of their maintenance and daily 
reliefe, or in the taint of their vices and bodily plagues. 
And by this meanes only it may soone be eased, to the 
sensible good of every man, as in the greater safetie and 
freedom from infection, so in the price and plentie of all 
outward and necessarie things. 

And besides the example of our neighbour countries, 
(that having laid their armes aside, and dwelling now in 
peace, to shunne the harmes of idlenesse at home, doe 
send out fleetes and hosts of men to seeke abroad) expe- 
rience teacheth us, what need we have to seeke some 
world of new employment, for so great a part of our 
strength, which not otherwise knowing how to live, doe 
daily runne out to robberies, at home, and piracies abroad, 
arming and serving with Turkes and Infidels against 
Christians, to the generall damage and spoile of Mer- 
chants, the scandall of our nation and reproch of Chris- 
tian name. As also for the wits of England, whereof so 
many of unsettled braines betake themselves to plots and 
stratagems at home, or else to wander from coast to coast, 
from England to Spaine, to Italy, to Rome, and to where- 
soever they may learne and practise any thing else but 
goodnesse, pulling a world of temptations upon their bad 
dispositions, sorting so farre with that inchanting sorts of 
serpents, and yeelding to their lure, till getting the marke 
and stampe in their forehead, they become desperate and 
despiteful fugitives abroad, or else returning neutrals in 
religion, are never good for Church nor Commonwealth. 

Let the words of that learned Master Ascham witnesse 
in this case, who above twentie yeeres agone, having farre 
lesse cause of complaint then we have now, did publish 
his censure of those English Italionate travellers in these 


tfachuf' the words : For religion, they get Papistrie, or 
bringing up worse : for learning, lesse commonly then they 
of youth. carried out : for policie, a factious heart, a 

discoursing head, a minde to meddle in all 
mens matters : for experience, plenty of new mischief es, 
never knowne in England, before : for manners, varietie of 
vanities, and change of filthy living. These be the in- 
chantments of Circes, brought out of Italie to marre En- 
glish mens manners, much by example of ill life, but more 
by precepts of fond bookes of late translated out of Italian 
into English, sold in every shop in London, commended by 
honest titles, the sooner to corrupt honest manners, dedi- 
cated over boldly to vertuous and honorable personages, the 
easier to beguile simple and innocent wits. Tenne Ser- 
mons at Pauls crosse doe not so much good for moving men 
to true doctrine, as one of those bookes doe harme with in- 
ticing men to ill living : yea, I say further, those bookes 
tend not so much to corrupt honest living, as they do to 
subvert true religion ; more Papists made by the merrie 
bookes of Italie, then by the earnest bookes of Lovaine. 

These and many moe are the flowing evils of those 
noisome streames, that may be stopped, or turned from 
us (though not altogether (which is unpossible) yet in 
some proportion, for the common good of every man) by 
these new discoveries, into so great a world, never yet 
knowne, nor inhabited by Christian men : and though 
that part of Virginea, wherein we seate, be nothing to the 
rest, not yet discovered, yet it is enough to men of sense 
rightly considering, to make them confesse so much as I 
have said. 

If any shall object, want of meanes, or inabilitie for the 
subjects of our King, to undertake so great a worke in 
those remote and desert countries, it were too injurious : 
For first it hath been done by others, to whom wee are 
no way inferiour for multitude, strength and meanes to 
doe the like : and secondly, our provocations are now 
more than ever they were. For touching our multitude 
of men, as I remember, and I assure my selfe I did see 
the note, and am not mistaken, in that great yeere of 88, 
here was billed for the first, second and third service of 


the Queene (if need had required) of able persons, thirtie 
hundred thousand of English, Welsh, and Cornish men ; 
since which time it cannot otherwise be thought, and the 
great inlargement of townes and buildings shew that we 
have much increased, besides that happie addition since of 
an entire kingdome, being a warlike, wise', and a stout na- 
tion, that were then no members of us. And for strength 
of shipping, skilfull men and meanes to furnish greater 
attempts then this, the world can witnesse (to the grief 
of some) that England hath no want at all. And for our 
provocations, what can be greater then from the highest ? 
from God that hath given us the light of his word, that 
wee might enlighten this blind people : that did provide 
(when we despaired greatly and feared who should weld 
the Scepter) a King (with peerlesse branches) to sit over 
us in peace, whom the world cannot match, that hath 
bent his royall minde, and of his princely ofspring, to for- 
ward and advance the best and most approo- 
ved actions, at home and abroad, that hath In , s ii otl f n< ! 1 

. \ - n i • • an " England 

given him to set his leete upon his enemies too. 
necks, and hath made the poyson of their in- 
fected * hearts to work their owne confusion, ^™ e P owdcr 
and the most bitter hearted adversarie to die Parsons, he. 
for sorrow to see his prosperity : by which 
we are assured, that God doth reserve him to many excel- 
lent ends, and by whose wisedome we are daily invited 
under the shadow of our own vine, to repose ourselves in 
peace and rest. 

How are they thus dejected then in their honourable 
thoughts, so many both English men and Scottish, which 
seeme not like themselves, that to so infinit good ends ? 
and notwithstanding the forcible inticements and power- 
full meanes to effect the same, will yet sit still, and nei- 
ther helpe on this, nor any like publike action, with their 
persons, purse nor counsell ? How far is this unlike their 
ancient guise in former times, when for the name of 
Christ, and honour of their nations, they adventured 
thorow the world to winne it with the sword ? Well, if 
they will needs so much forget themselves, let this suf- 
fice to conclude them as unprofitable members, emptying 


and keeping drie the fountaine at home, when with oth- 
ers they might seek to fill it from abroad ; suffering the 
wealth of the world, of this new world, which is knowne 
to abound in treasure, if not to sleepe in the dust, yet to 
slide away, and there to settle ; where it re- 
The English viveth the spirit of that viprous brood, which 
other S s ' ai seek to heale againe that wounded head of 

Rome, by instigating therewith, and anoint- 
ing the homes of such, as when time shall serve, will 
seeke to pearce our hearts. 

And if it be asked, what benefit shall any man reape, 
in Hew of his disbursements, by that barren countrie, 
which hath so consumed all our employments ? It hath 
been alreadie declared to the world in sundrie discburses, 
containing sufficient encouragement to men of under- 
standing, and therefore not needfull heere to lay out 
againe, the undoubted certaintie of minerals, the rich and 
commodious meanes for shipping, and other materials of 
great use, which if they were not alreadie publisht, wee 
would utterly forbeare to name, till (after the plantation 
setled) the effects and fruits should shew themselves. 
And besides al which things, that Nature hath already 
seated there, the soile and climate is so apt and fit for in- 
dustrious mindes, to make plantation of so many pretious 
plants (as hath been likewise shewed in particular) for the 
use of mankind and trade of merchandise, as to the sense 
and reason of such as have seene it, no Countrie under 
heaven can goe beyond it. 

And so to end with this that has been said, which if it 
may suffice to satisfie the ignorant, to stop the mouthes 
of cavillers, and to stirre up more assistance to this enter- 
prise, it is enough : if not, I doe not doubt, but God who 
effecteth oft the greatest ends by smallest meanes, and 
hath so farre blest those few hands as to procure this 
birth, will likewise still assist the same to bring it up with 
honour. Proceed therefore you noble Lords, and you 
wise religious gentlemen, in your constant resolution, and 
in your dailie prayers remember it, for this worke is of 
such consequence, as for many important reasons it must 
never be forsaken, 


And as you have not shrunke away, (with many such 
of worse condition, which before they see it effected by 
others, will never adventure any thing) but (like that 
worthie Ramane Scipio, preserver of his Countrie, which 
when all the Romanes in that sudden feare of Hannibals 
approch threw off their armes to take themselves to flight, 
drew out his sword, and staied their running out, and 
ruine of the citie) have in your owne persons with ex- 
ceeding paines, adventured in the most desperate condition 
thereof to keep the work from ruine, and have set it in 
that hopefull way to subsist of it selfe, as whether you live 
or no, to see the fruites thereof on earth, yet your reward 
shall be with God : and for example to posteritie, in being 
the first props and pillars of the work, the records of time 
shall publish your praise ; not stained with lies as the 
Legends of Saints, but as those renowned deeds of your 
noble ancestors, truly set out in our English stories, still 
living (as it were) and reaching out the hand, speaking to 
them that follow after, and telling to such as shall succeed, 
This is the way for the honour of your King and your 
Countries good. 


At Theobalds, the 12. of April, 1622. 

The Copy of a Reference from the Kings most Excellent 
Majesty : As also a Letter from the Right Honourable 
Lords of hi$ Majesties most Honourable Privy Coun- 
cell, to the most Reverend Fathers in God, the Lords 
Arch-Bishops of Canterbury and Yorke their Graces. 

His Majesty is graciously pleased, That the Lords 
Archbishops of Canterbury and Yorke, doe in their seve- 
rall Provinces proceed according to the Letters of the 
Lords of the Councell, bearing date the last of June 1621. 
as well in recommending Captaine Whitbournes discourse 
concerning New-found-land, so as the same may be dis- 
tributed to the severall Parishes of this Kingdome, for the 


incouragement of Adventurers unto the Plantation there ; 
As also by furthering (in the most favorable and effectu- 
all manner they can) the collections to be thereupon made 
in all the said Parishes, towards the charge of printing and 
distributing those Bookes, and the said Captaine Whit- 
bournes good indevours, and service, with expence of his 
time and meanes in the advancing of the said Plantation ; 
and his severall great losses received at Sea by Pyrats and 
otherwise, of which his Majesty hath been credibly certi- 
fied ; And further his Majesties pleasure is, that the said 
Captaine Whitbourne shall have the sole printing of his 
booke for one and twenty yeares. 

God save the King. 

After our very hearty Commendations to your 
good Lordships, Whereas Captaine Richard Whitbourne 
of Exmouth, in the County of Devon, Gentleman, hav- 
ing spent much time in New-found-land (whither he hath 
made sundry voyages, and some by express Commis- 
sions) hath set down in wryting divers good observa- 
tions and notes touching the state and condition of that 
Country, and the plantation there, which being by order 
from us now printed : It is desired to be published 
throughout the Kingdome, for the furthering and ad- 
vancement of the said plantation, and to give incourage- 
ment to such as shalbe willing to adventure therein, and 
assist the same, either in their persons or otherwise, to 
which we thinke the publication of this Booke may much 
conduce : And we doe give good approbation to his good 
indevours and purpose. So have we thought fit earnestly 
to recommend him unto your Lordships good favours, 
both for the distribution of his Books within the Pro- 
vinces of Canterbury and Yorke, unto the severall Pa- 
rishes thereof, and also for your Lordships helpe and fur- 
therance, that after his great travels and charges, wherein 
he hath spent much of his time and meanes, having long 
time been a Merchant of good estate, he may reape by 
your Lordships assistance some profit of his labours, and 


towards the printing and distributing the said Bookes by 
such a voluntary contribution, as shalbe willingly given 
and collected for him within the severall Parish Churches 
of the said Provinces ; which will be both a good in - 
couragement unto others in the like indevours for the 
service of their Country, and some reward to him for 
his great charge, travels, and divers losses at Sea which 
he hath received, as we are credibly certified. And so 
commending him earnestly to your good Lordships, We 
bid your Lordships very heartily farewell. From White- 
hall the last day of June 1621. 

Signed by the Lord Treasurer, 

Lord Privie Seale, 
Duke of Lenoxe, 
Marquesse Hambleton, 
Earle of Arundell, 
Earle of Kelley, 
Lord Viscount Doncaster, 
Lord Viscount Faulkland, 
Master Treasurer, 
Master Secretary Calvert, 
Master of the Rolles. 

The names of some, who have undertaken to helpe and 
advance his Majesties Plantation in the New-found 
land, viz. 

The Right Honorable, Henry Lord Cary, Viscount 
of Faulke-land, Lord Deputy Generall of the Kingdome 
of Ireland, hath undertaken to plant a Colony of his Ma- 
jesties subjects in the New-found-land, and his Lordship 
is well pleased to entertaine such as are willing to be Ad- 
venturers with him therein, upon such Conditions as may 
appeare in the latter part of this Booke : And in his Lord- 
ships absence, he hath authorized his Agent, Master 
Leonard Wellsted, Gentleman, by warrant under his hand 
and Seale, to ratifie whatsoever shall be by him conclud- 
ed therein. The said Master Wellsteds Chamber is 
30 vol. vnr. 


neere to one Master Garlands house, at the lower end of 
Saint Martins lane in the field. 

The Right Honourable Sir George Calvert Knight, 
principall Secretarie unto the Kings most excellent Ma- 
jesty, hath also undertaken to plant a large Circuit of that 
Country : who hath already sent thither this yeare and 
the former yeare, a great number of men and women, 
with all necessarie provisions fit for them ; where they 
live pleasantly, building of houses, cleansing of land for 
Corne, and meddowes, Cabage, Carrets, Turneps, and 
such like ; as also for Woad and Tobacco. Likewise 
they are there preparing to make Salt, for the preserving 
of fish another yeare, and for divers other services. And 
his Honour is likewise well pleased to entertaine such as 
wi;l adventure with him therein, upon very fit conditions. 

The Worshipfull John Slany of London Merchant, 
who is one of the undertakers of the New-found-land 
Plantation, and is Treasurer unto the Patentees of that 
Society, who have maintained a Colony of his Majesties 
subjects there above tw T elve yeares, and they are willing 
to entertaine such as will further his Majesties said Plan- 
tations, upon fit ^conditions. 

Divers Worshipfull Citizens of the City of Bristol, 
have undertaken to plant a large Circuit of that Countrey, 
and they have maintained a Colony of his Majesties sub- 
jects there any time these five yeares, who have builded 
there faire houses, and done many other good services, 
who live there very pleasantly, and they are well pleased 
to entertaine upon fit conditions, such as wilbe Adven- 
turers with them. 

The Worshipfull William Vaughan of Tarracod, in 
the County of Carmarthen, Doctor of the Civill law, hath 
also undertaken to plant a Circuit in the New-found- 
land : and hath in two severall years sent thither divers 
men and women, and he is willing to entertaine such as 
will be Adventurers with him upon fit conditions. 

And there are many other worthy persons Adventur- 
ers in the said Plantation, whose names are not herein 
mentioned. And it is well hoped, that divers others wil 
also put their helping hand to advance the same, when 


they are given to understand what honour and benefit 
may accrue thereby. And if his Majesties subjects of 
this Kingdome may be willing to set foorth from every 
severall County, but one good ship yearely thither, with 
people and provisions fit for them, it will be then not one- 
ly a great honour and benefit unto his Majesty, but also a 
great increase of shipping and Mariners, and the employ- 
ing and inriching of many thousands of poore people 
which now .live chargeable to the Parishioners. The 
which may be easily performed by the able subjects, to 
set forth the charge at first, and so every Parish to re- 
ceive yearely their equall parts of the benefit which may 
accrue by the said stocke ; and thereby not onely disbur- 
den yearely themselves of some of those which lie charge- 
able unto them within their severall Parishes : but also 
yearely yeeld a great benefit to every severall County, 
though it lie something remote from the Sea coast, if 
they imploy a discreet honest man therein, who may 
yearely be accomptable to every Parish of the charge, and 
likewise the benefit. The which will not be any way 
burdensome or hurtfull unto any ; as the following dis- 
course which I have written, will plainly informe them. 

From my Chamber at the signe of the gilded Cocke 
in Pater-noster-Row in London. R. W. 

Pincheon Papers. 

In the archives of the Historical Society are many files of papers, pre- 
served from the era of the first, second and third generations in our 
country, from which our volumes have often been enriched with cu- 
rious materials for the antiquary's labours and enjoyments. Among 
these bundles of original documents, not the least viiuable is one 
presented by John Pinchon, Esquire, of Saiem, about twenty years 
ago, a descendant of one of the most active and useful among the 
honourable company who directed the settlement of Massachusetts. 
We have thought the labour well spent of making a transcript of 
several, as the hour is flying fast, within which the utmost care 
would surely fail of success. We hope for the honour of our coun- 
try, that we shall not in vain desire all who have in their possession 
such records of times long gone by, to save them from mutilation 
and decay, for which object we have many years assiduously la- 
boured, and are daily encouraged to perseverance. 2\ 


RECEIVED the 29th of August 1629 of Mr. William 
Pincheon the sum of twenty five pounds for his adven- 
ture towards London's plantation in Massachusetts Bay- 
in New England in America for which sum a division of 
lands and an adventure of Stock is to be allotted to him 
as to every the adventurers proportionable to each 
man his underwriting shall be concluded and agreed 
upon. I say received the sum of I 25. 

per me 


The account of William Pynchon to the General 
Court this 8th September 1636 of ammunition, and what 
is delivered to the several towns. 

An account of certain ammunition, being part of Mr. 
Wilson's gift to publick use, being shipped in the Griffin, 
July 7. 1634, and by order of General Court was ap- 
pointed to be received, by William Pynchon. 

80 demi-culverin shot, round 

160 saker shot, round I These lie at Boston by 

24 double headed shot J the fort hill. 

24 cross-bar shot 

4 demi-culverins ) , ,. , . , r» * 

* > delivered on store at Boston. 

8 sakers ) 

3 doz. woollen cases > jn a barrel Nq a which wefe 

404 lbTbar shot $ sent for b ? Mr ' Winthro P' 

100 lb match, 31b brass wire "1 . u , AT 

~ , a. ,- . | o • • • 1 in a barrel JNo. 

2 horns, 2 linstocks, 3 priming irons L , . , 

6i c\ il a. i f x3 wnicn was ne- 

quire paper royal, 2 lb starch / . -, 

\ i r l r J ver yet opened, 

a starch pan of ... . J j r 

4 brass ladles stands, 4 spunges 
2 wadhooks, 6 woollen cartridges 
4 wold sheepskins 

50 black muskets, with rests and bandoleers 

25 calivers 
20 carbines 

81 swords 


200 wolfhooks 
20 wolfhooks to hang 
6 wolf bullets with adders tongues. 

Because Mr. Winthrop had disposed of the common 
arms to Boston and Charlestown, and also Mr. Humfrey 
had the disposing of some to Saugus and Salem, and 
therefore I disposed of these as followeth : 

To Dorchester, by Mr. Israel Stoughton, 15 muskets 
with rests and bandoleers, and 10 swords, and 25 wolf- 
hooks to Henry Smith, and 3 calivers to Capt. Mason. 

To New Town, by Daniel Denison, and sent per Ste- 
phen Hart Nov. 8. 1634, 15 muskets with rests and ban- 
doleers and 10 swords. 

To Roxbury, 20 muskets with rests and bandoleers, 
and 4 calivers, and 12 swords or 13, and 25 wolfhooks 
to Mr. Denison. 

To Weymouth, 15 April 1636 by Ed. Benet and Rob- 
ert Lowell 4 calivers. 

To Watertown 10 calivers and 10 swords per Brian 
Pemberton 12 May 1636 and 25 wolfhooks to Mr. Old- 

To Ipswich 8 swords by Mr. William Bartelmew Aug- 
ust 7, 1635 and 25 wolfhooks to Mr. Bradstreete. 

To Charlestown 9 swords to Robert Moulton August 
3. 1635 and 25 wolfhooks to Mr. Nowell. 

To Salem 8 swords and 25 wolfhooks per John Hol- 

To Boston 10 swords to Mr. Coggeshall and 2 swords 
and 25 wolfhooks to Mr. Wilson. 

A note of such things as are for public use, and were 
shipped in the Planter April 7. 1634 by Mr. William 
Watson, of which 1 had no charge. 
100 black muskets with bandoleers and rests 
25 square muskets with rests and bandoleers 
25 carbines with swivels, belts and bandoleers 
68 bandoleers packed, with the white muskets 
68 rests with them also for 34 muskets and 34 calivers 
which were sent the year before by Mr. Ball. 



2 moulds, 1 piece is for muskets and the other for cali- 

vers, to cast 6 bullets at a time 

6 sakers cuts ) , . nK 1U , « a . 

n • • ( being 95 lb at 1 6s per cwt so 

6 minion cuts > \it rr ■* 

na • i i C Mr. Keayne writes 

2 guns of 3 inch bore ) J 

3 whole culverin, being 115 cwt at 13s per cwt. 
600 minion round shot 

300 culverin round shot 
245' demi culverin round shot 
600 saker round shot 
10 barrels of powder 
6 small barrels of shot 
2 sheets of lead, weighing 826 lbs 
bars of lead weighing 504 
drums 4 or 6 

My account of Receipts and Payments while I was in 
the Treasurer's Office, Anno 1632 and 1633. 

Receipts into the Treasury. The rates following were 
due in April 1633 









Dorchester and 






New Town 













I by ord 

er i 

of warrant from < 




More receivec 



October 2. 1633 















New Town 












Dorchester and 




Received of Mr. Dudley for Robert Cole's fine 3 6 8 
Received 2 fines of Wignall20 bushels of corn 
for Z5, but it proved bad, if was sold good- 
man Penn for 
Received for part of a fine of Z40 of Dexter 
Received another fine of Dexter of 

Received of 2 persons in Roxbury that were 

absent from training, being 5s a piece 10 




18 16 8 

Received for beaver trade at 12d per lb of Mr. 
Turner of Sagus October 3. 1632 for 26 
and I lb beaver 16 6 

Received of Davis Wilton of Dorchester for 1 

and \ lb beaver 13 

of him another time for 1 and \ lb 16 

Received of Goodman Webb of New Town 

for 15 lb beaver 15 

of Mr. Mayhew for 22 lb of beaver upon ac- 
count as I remember 13 

Received of Mr. Woolrich for all his beaver 
trade till the 4 March 1632 
of the Constable of Charlestown for beaver 
of the Constable of New Town for beaver 

for beaver trade in Boston per Constable 
for beaver trade of the Constable in Dorches- 
ter 3 19 
of John Holman and Richard Collecot 15 

March for their beaver trade 1 12 6 

My own allowance for beaver trade for a year 

and till the General Court in March 1634 20 






31 3 1 

I was by composition to pay Z25, but that composition 
was in regard of a benefit by an order of Court, made a 
little before, that there should be but one in a town to 
trade in beaver ; which order hath not been observed, and 




1 4 





therefore my trade was the less. And so I make allow- 
ance at the rate of \2d per lb as others do. 
The whole sum of receipts is 1 561, 19. 92 

Payments out of the Common Treasury, 
paid John Sagamore's brother, the 9 October 

1632 for killing a wolf, one coat at 
To a Neponset Indian for a wolf, one coat 
To Jack Straw one coat, by a note from the 

To Wamascus son for two wolves two coats 
To another Indian for a wolf 
To James Sedley of Wessaguscus for killing 

a wolf 
To Richard Waterman of Salem for a wolf 
To John Gallop for carriage of a letter to Pis- 

cataqua 7 

paid for 400 and I and 23 feet of plank for 

the platform at Boston at 9s. per hundred 

in April 1632 2 2 6 

paid for carting them to the water side 6 

paid Mr. Alcock for a fat hog for to victual the 

pinnace for the taking of Dixie Bull 3 10 

paid goodman Lyman for a fat hog for the same 

use 3 10 

paid to Mr. Shurd of Pemaquid by order of 

Court for provisions for the pinnace 26 4 lb 

beaver 13 2 6 

paid Lieutenant Mason for his service in the 

pinnace by order of Court 10 

paid goodman Converse by order of Court for 

officers' passage over the water 11 5 

paid goodman Lamb for bringing four barrels 

of the common powder to Roxbury 
paid Richard Bulgar for work at the fort 
paid John Cable for 500 four inch plank for 




2 10 

51 8 



paid by the Constable of Dorchester for 500 of 

4 inch plank for the fort 2 10 

paid goodman Morell for work done for spales 

for the fort 110 

paid Anthony Colby for 2 days attendance at 
Court to witness against William Coling and 
3 others for drunkenness 5 

paid for the carting of 5 loads of the planks 
aforesaid, being 37 four inch plank to the 
water side at Dorchester 8 

paid Edward Bendall for lighterage of ordnance 15 

paid Mr. Belcher of Boston for 500 plank for 

the fort at Boston 2 2 6 

paid goodman Cheesbrough for work for the 

fort 11 6 

paid Mr. Aspinwall for carting plank for the 

fort 12 

A deduction was allowed back, by order of 
Court, to Mr. Dummer out of his rate at 
Sagus for public uses 3 4 

paid to Edward Bendall for lighterage of 12 
pieces of ordnance and 280 bullets out of 
the Griffin, being 4 tides 2 6 

for boating and carting the implements for the 

ordnance and the muskets and swords, &c. 15 

for carting of the 4 inch planks to the wa- 
ter side, being 6 great loads with 2 men's 
help 18 

paid by a bill from Mr. Samuel Maverick, be- 
ing husband and merchant of the pinnace set 
out to take Dixie Bull, for a month's wages 
to Elias Maverick 

more, paid for victuals upon his account 

2 5 

20 2 

paid to James Penn, the marshall of our Courts, 
his provision being 8/ per annum, paid him 
in March 1632, an arrear of a year and a half 
now due 10 13 4 

31 VOL. VIII. 


paid him the 23d October in several sums 13 3 11 

paid him an arrear of half a year due 29 Sep- 
tember 1633 1 10 
paid him by the Constable of Charlestown 4 
paid him in March 25 1634 5 and \ lb bea- 
ver and \2d in money 2 16 
more, paid him by order of Court out of the 
Treasury for the building of his house, in 
several payments 30 






paid Captain Underhill his pension of 1 30 per 
annum, his time begins 22 February, paid 
him one quarter due 22 May 1632 

paid him for a year due 22 Feb. 1633 

paid Captain Patrick for a quarter due the 22 

May 7 10 

paid Captain Patrick for a year due 22 Feb- 
ruary 1633 30 

paid Captain Patrick part of his pension till 22 
April 1634 and so now his year begins 
thence 5 

paid Sergeant Morris his pension for one year 

and a half per a bill from the Governor 15 

paid him also by a warrant the 18 of Novem- 
ber for his pension 4 of a year more 7 10 

160 17 3 

So I have disbursed out of the public Trea- 
sury 1 51 8 5 
and in the next page 20 2 
and in the next page 160 17 3 
and paid upon account to Mr. Winthrop for 
such monies as he hath disbursed for the 
Commonwealth 328 10 

The sum is 560 17 8 


And the receipts are first 100 

next 412 

and last of all 49 19 9| 

Sum total 561 19 9 

To his honoured friend the worshipful William Pincheon 
Esq. at Agawani be these delivered. 

I have received your letter, wherein you express, 
that you are well fortified, but few hands. I would de- 
sire you to be careful and watchful that you be not be- 
trayed by friendship. For my part, my spirit is ready 
many times even to sink within me when upon alarms, 
which are daily, I think of your condition, that, if the 
case be never so dangerous, we can neither help you, nor 
you us. But I must confess both you and ourselves do 
stand merely by the power of our God, and therefore he 
must and ought to have the praise of it. — For Sergeant 
Major Blake, with you I think you do well and justly in 
it, for in time of danger no commonwealth will let any 
depart that before were commoraut with them. Where- 
as you say we were not willing to send you any hands, I 
pray be not so uncharitable, for I can assure you, it is our 
great grief we cannot, for our plantations are so gleaned 
by that small fleet we sent out, that those that remain are 
not able to supply our watches, which are day and night, 
that our people are scarce able to stand upon their legs ; 
and for planting we are in the like condition with you. 
What we plant is before our doors, little any where eise. 
n Ma ^ ur ^ eet went awa y tomorrow will be a se'nnight, 
ay and this last night the Indians by us, with joyful 
hearts, bring us tidings that they have done some execu- 
tion upon our enemies, and have killed six of them, and 
they have killed one of Sicaock Indians that went with 
us, for there went 90 Indians armed with us for to fight 
with them with us. 

Mr. Haine is now come to Hartford, and there is come 
a letter from the * * * * that they intend in June next 


to send out 200 men, 120 themselves, 40 from Plymouth, 
10 from the fort, 30 from us. Captain Traske, Captain 
Lieutenant Damport, Captain Jenison, and one of the ma- 
gistrates as they suppose not then concluded on. The 
contention in the Bay grows hot and publick, and what 
will be the issue the Lord knows. News out of England 
is that the Turks infest the English very much, and are 
victualled in France. There are no ships in the Bay at 
present, but daily expect. For Mr. Adams business, 
doubt not but you shall have proportionable share ; but 
for the present we meddle with no Courts, scarce dare 
meet, because of danger. I am sorry you take such ex- 
ceptions about your boat, and, under favour, as I con- 
ceive, groundless. For sending you word, we could not, 
the time was so sudden, and your men were there so soon 
as the thing was intended ; and you may conceive, to 
send out so many men so Suddenly and provide for them, 
as you may conceive our case stands, is sure no little 
trouble and labour. Besides, for sending to you, I could 
wish you could invent a way we might constantly do it 
each to other, for you scarce think how we are grieved to 
think of you many times. You think much to give a coat 
I can assure I cannot get any to go upon any terms it 
may be your Indians have often recourse hither if you 
could take order with them to call to me, you shall have 
constant intelligence of things, and agree with them your- 
self. For your second offence, as reasoning what you 
would do with two boats, I am of the same mind still, 
that two boats in this time is very prejudicial to your wel- 
fare, and if we might personally argue the thing, I could 
make it clear to yourself. In the mean pray strain a thing 
so far, for I nor the rest here do design to seek nothing 
more than your good and safety. For your debt I am so- 
licitous oft, and I think the long before now I was never 
demanded twice in my life, neither should this I hope, if 
not for the wars, that I cannot go into the Bay to settle 
business to pay your debt, which is the greatest I owe, 
and I remember not for the present I owe so much more 
in the world. Therefore pray, Sir, have patience, and as 
soon as possible I will take a course to give you satisfac- 


tion, and in the mean any of my estate is at your service 
to dispose of for so much. I could wish your women, 
children and cattle were with us a while, which, if you 
will send, we will take the best care we can of. We 
needed your counsel, person and advice in our business, 
but your danger being as it is, your presence cannot well 
be expected. Therefore pray once more let me desire 
you to be wise, watchful and careful in the use of means, 
and then I hope the rock of Israel will defend you, to 
whose protection with my love and my wife's to yourself 
and your wife, having much to do and to work, in brief I 
leave you, and rest 

Your loving friend 
Windsor 17th 1637. RO. LUDLOWE. 

For his Majesty's service. 

To Major Pincheon at Springfield deliver. 

Boston December 28 86 

Our governor arrived the 20th instant, on the 22 
wee had a council, and directions were given that all the 
members of the late government should be summoned to 
meet on the 30th instant, I did not fayle you, but sent the 
farthest way about, for his Excellency sending a letter to 
Connecticott Colony, and I dispatching a messenger to 
serve another writ of Quo Warranto on the governor of 
Connecticut sent to him your letter, which he will be so 
just as to send you at his coming to Hartford, where I am 
well assured the physick is to operate. I hear the little 
Quacks there are endeavouring to divert their coming un- 
der one government, but his Excellency has his Majes- 
ty's commands to accept of their surrender, which they 
cannot avoid, they must for publicity. Now I intreat you 
out of respect to your son to come as soon as you can. I 
hope he will find the benefit of your journey, and I am to 
tell you his Excellency has a great kindness for you. If 
you come before you receive mine, order Mr. Glover the 
minister o open the letter, in which is an order of the Go- 


vernor in Council to be communicated through your 
whole county. Be careful of yourself and speedy. We 
have Road Island already, and I fear not Connecticut^ 
A dutifull submission will well become them, and place 
them in his Majesties favour. His Excellency will pro- 
pose greater advantages for their ease and happiness than 
their weak phancy's can project. My service to your 
good Lady. I am, Sir, yours 


New York May 2d. 1690 

At our meeting here, as Commissioners for the 
Massachusetts Colony, with the Commissioners of Ply- 
mouth, Connecticut and of this Province, it is concluded 
that for the strengthening of Albany, and furnishing out 
an expedition from thence against the common enemy, 
wherein the Maquas and Sineques will join with us, our 
proportion of soldiers to be sent shall be one hundred and 
sixty. And because it will be more easy to take some of 
those out of your parts, than to fetch the whole number 
from the Bay and parts more remote, we thought it ad- 
viseable to give you this notice of what is agreed on, and 
desire that you will accordingly consider whether sixty at 
least of the above said proportion may not be raised in 
your county, who may easy join themselves with those 
that are to go from Connecticut. If you dispatch your 
thoughts concerning this matter to the Governour at Bos- 
ton, it may be some direction to him and the Council, and 
help to expedite the business. We are your hearty friends 

To the Honorable Colonel John Pynchon 
these at Springfield. 

Daniel Cooly, in his Majesty's name your are required 
to carry this letter forthwith to Colonel Pynchon. It 
came from your Commissioners, and is for his Majesty's 
service. Hereof fail not 

May 9. 1590 JOHN ALLYN Assistant. 


Deerfield June 2d. 1690 

I thought it might not be amiss to give your wor- 
ship a brief account of some Maquas and Indians that 
came in last week from Canada. They say they have 
been gone from home 44 days. In their going up, they 
meet with those Maquas that brought the last French cap- 
tive, which we heard of. They told them that they had 
taken him at Shamblee, therefore advised them not to go 
thither. Beside they thought the French there would be 
shy, having lost a man so lately. Therefore they took 
their course to Troreveere. They came to the town in 
the night, and lay in wait till morning. Early in the 
morning there came out three men, two to work, and a 
third, they say, a gentleman with his gun to guard them. 
They shot down two of them, and took the third, and 
brought him down with the scalps of the other two. I 
had some talk with him. He tells me that at present they 
keep close for fear of the Maquas, dare not go out to 
work, are much straitened for provision, there is very lit- 
tle bread in the country, their chief diet is ground nuts 
and fish. As for the affairs of the country, he says he 
knows not what their intentions are, (and its provible he 
may not, for he seems to be a poor underling fellow.) 
The Governour's seat is at Mount Royal, where, says 
he, tis reported there are 500 French, 100 French Ma- 
quas, and about 30 Indians. There are our captives also, 
28, all well. At Troreveere there is but 50 men, also at 
Shamblee 50, He says there are no French out now that 
he knows of, there is no shipping come from France, but 
there is one lately gone off for France, laden with firs. 
The Maquas rejoiced greatly at the English success, at 
Port Royal, and earnestly desire that the English would 
be speedy in the motion in sending their army that is to 
go along with them. 

Not else but I am, Sir, your servant 
to command 

These for the Honoured Colonel 

John Pynchon Esq. in Springfield 


Habeas Corpus. 

The following papers, from a copy in the hand writing 
of Judge Sewall in 1 706, whether the claim to this first 
right of freemen were ever asserted before, or not, will to 
every antiquary be highly interesting. 

Boston 13 July 1706 

I am commanded by his Excellency the Governor 
to certify you, that the Governour, Council and Assem- 
bly have this day passed an Act in due form, that William 
Rous, mariner, Samuel Vetch, Esquire, John Borland 
and Roger Lawson, merchants, Ebenezer Coffin, mari- 
ner, and John Phillips, junr. mariner, be committed to 
her Majesty's Gaol in Boston, there to remain in safe cus- 
tody, without bail or mainprise, until the end of the next 
session of the great and General Court or Assembly, un- 
less they shall sooner be discharged by his Excellency 
by the consent of the Council and the Representatives ; 
the said persons being impeached by the Representatives 
of high misdemeanors for illegally trading with, selling 
to, and supplying of the French and Indians, the open 
and declared enemies of her Majesty's government and 
liege people of this Province &c. The records of which 
Act is open to be seen. 

Your servant 

For Giles Dyer Esqr. High Sheriff of 
the County of Suffolk. 

To the Honourable Samuel Sewall, Esqr. Chief Judge of 
Her Majesty's Superior Court of Judicature for the 
Province of the Massachusetts Bay. 

Thf humble appeal of the beforenamed William, 
Rous, mariner, Samuel Vetch, Esqr. John Borland and 
Roger Lawson, merchants, Ebenezer Coffin, mariner and 
John Phillips junr. mariner, prisoners in her Majesty's 
gaol in Boston, sheweth, 


That your appellants stand committed by virtue of a 
warrant or commitment (a true copy whereof is above) 
unto which they refer your Honour. And forasmuch 
as they humbly conceive, that, notwithstanding the of- 
fence therein contained, they are bailable by law, and, it 
being now vacation time, and out of term, or Court 

They humbly pray, that, according to law, your Hon- 
our would forthwith award and grant an Habeas Corpus 
returnable immediate, that they may be heard in the pre- 
mises. Your Honour's most humble servants 


Boston 28 September 1706. 

The Deposition of John Maxwell, Merchant, and John 
Valentine, Gentleman, both of Boston in New-England. 

The deponents make oath, that on Monday the fifteenth 
day of last July, at the instance of Captain William Rous, 
Samuel Vetch, John Borland, Roger Lawson, Ebenezer 
Coffin, and John Phillips, the deponents went to the house 
of Samuel Sewall, Esqr. in Boston, one of her Majesty's 
Justices of her Majesty's Superiour Court of Judicature, 
and presented him a paper, which the said Rous and the 
other prisoners had signed (true copy whereof the depo- 
nents believe to be on the other side) praying in their be- 
half a writ of Habeas Corpus in order to bail the said 
prisoners, to which the said Mr. J. Sewall answered, he 
could do nothing in it, the prisoners being committed by 
Act of the General Court. Whereupon the deponent 
Valentine replied, there is a penalty, if the Judge shall re- 
fuse. The said Mr. J. Sewall then said he knew it. And 
further the deponents say, that the said prisoners did not, 
nor could they, or any of them, obtain from the said Mr. 
32 vol. viii. 


J. Sewall her Majesty's writ of Habeas Corpus, as desir- 


Boston in New- England 
Septr. 28. 1706 

Sworn per the deponents, Maxwell and Valentine, after 
rasure of the words (of five hundred pounds 

Cor. ISA. ADDINGTON. J. Pacts. 

Mr. Justice Sewall being present at the caption of the 
above affidavit saiih, that the commitment of the persons 
abovenamed offered to him, having relation to an act pass- 
ed by the General Assembly, the deponents showed forth 
no such act to him (which they also acknowledged) not- 
had he any copy thereof, being a private act. 

Boston; November 26. 1713. 
Dear Brother, 

These are to thank you for my kind entertain- 
ment at your house in the Court week. I had a very 
comfortable journey home ; and came time enough to at- 
tend the funeral of Mrs. Mather. Since that, he buri- 
ed his maid, his twins, and his daughter Jerusha 2 years 
and 7 months old. Elder David Cop was diligently 
writing at meeting the 15th current, was taken on Moir- 
day night, and died last Friday, in the 79th year of his 
age. He was a pious man of good example and ancient 
friend of our family. Was buried at the north last 
Tuesday. Upon the same day were intered Mr. Boon's 
wife, and our neighbour Fenno's wife : they both died 
very suddenly, well, and dead in 2 or 3 hours. The 
school-dame Emons died also very suddenly ; but she was 
a person in years. Cousin Rolf's sister was buried to 
day, Jephson : and Mr. Edward Hutchinson's only daugh- 
ter, only child. A few orthodox Christians at Swansey 
called Mr. John Wilson to preach to them, he was set- 
tleing among them to good satisfaction ; but is snatch- 
ed away by a violent fever. By his death his family 
at Braintrey was deluged with tears. The people at 


Swansey are much to be pitied. I am afraid lest God 
should extend the line of Connecticut over Boston, and 
over this Province ! May we have the fortification of 
the 91. Psalm well drawn about us; that such a mortal 
malignity may not touch us ; or however doe us no real 
hurt. Your Jonathan, and Sam Hirst are in one bed sick 
of the measles. We have two sick in our house ; Ben- 
jamin Larnell, and Susan our servant-maid. We were 
so destitute of help, that we were fain to send David post 
to Braintrey, 16 miles off, and fetch her mother to us. 
Are in a hopefull way of recovery. Let us pray one for 
another, that God would perfect what is lacking in our 
faith. Our son J. Sewall was at lecture to day. Visit- 
ed his mother last Tuesday, which was the first time of 
his coming abroad. Mr. John Walley is fallen into sad 
pain and indisposition ; 'tis feared he catched cold after 
the measles. Near all the help in the family is now 
sick. Are sick at cousin Green's. Wheat at 8s. pr. bush- 
el flower at 35s. Captain Wade demands ten thou- 
sand of bread to carry him home. Dr. Mather's text 
was Prov. 24. 10. which he handled well. Mr. Thacher 
of Milton, and cousin Quinsey, and your cousin Samuel 
of Brooklin dined with us. Am glad to hear that cou- 
sin Porter and his wife are recovered. The struggles in 
choice of Parliament men in England are very great and 
fierce. My love to sister and cousins. May we die to 
sin and live unto righteousness. 

Sir, your loving brother and servant 


A Short Account of the Names, Situation, Numbers, and 
Distances of the five Indian Nations or Tribes in alli- 
ance with the Government of New York and under the 
Protection of the Crown of Great Brittain. 

1. The Mohawks. They live upon a river called 
by their own name, though when it comes down to Sche- 
nectida a good Dutch town it obtains the name of Sche- 


nectida River and about seven miles above Albany emp- 
ties itselfe into Hudson's River. The Mohawks have 
two castles ; the nearest to Albany is about 40. miles dis- 
tant between the west and southwest : their second cas- 
tle is 25. miles further, in all 65. miles distant from Al- 
bany. The number of their fighting men at present does 
not exceed 160. they were formerly much more numer- 
ous. Upon this tribe of the Mohawks are dependant 
the Scatakook or River Indians most of them were fugi- 
tives from New England in the time of Phillip's war. 
They do not exceed 40. fighting men are settled on a 
river that comes in also to Hudson's River from between 
the north and the northeast. The Mohawks have been 
formerly esteemed the most warlike of all the tribes. 

2d. Nation are the Oneidaes 80. miles distant from the 
Mohawks i. e. from their 2d. castle. They consist of 
200. fighting men. 

3d. Nation Onundawgoes. within 25. miles of the 
Oneidaes — they make 250. men. 

4. Kei-u-gues are 70. miles beyond the Onundawgoes 
and are reckoned to be 130. able men. 

5. The Sennekus are the most remote but the greatest 
of all the nations. They have three castles. The near- 
est is seventy miles beyond the Keiugues. The 2d. nine 
miles from the first. The 3d. within 4. miles of the se- 
cond, and in all they are said to make 700. men fit for the 
warr so that the number of the whole including the Sca- 
takooks amounts to 1480 — 

Their distance from Albany nearest 40. miles 

furthest 323. miles. 

These five nations have one common language though 
their dialect differs a little, especially the Mohawk and 
the Senneks. 

The French have been endeavouring and still are using 
all possible methods to seduce these 5. nations but es- 
pecially the Senneks as being the nearest to the Indian 
tribes in alliance with the French, among whom the 
French have their forts and missionaries ; and of late 
years the French have had a Jesuit at times even among 


the Sennekus themselves and who by that means are be- 
come of late very wavering. The government of New 
York judging very rightly how much it was not only their 
duty but their interest to instruct the 5. nations in the 
Christian Protestant religion took care to have a mission- 
ary among them, Mr. Andrews who was a very worthy 
gentleman, but he has lately left them. It is hoped that 
care will be taken that some able person succeed him 
and that the government will also settle a small castle or 
fort in each of the nations if it were but a sergeant 
and 10. men, as well to encourage and ingage them in the 
English interest as to protect them from the French and 
French Indian nations. 

The trade of the five nations chiefly consists in furrs 
and skins — comes first to Albany and then to New York 
and so for Europe. But I am informed it is increased of 

The foregoing was taken from a memorandum of Paul 
Dudley's Esq. who had it at Albany in October, 1721 
when an agent of the Province of the Massachusetts to 
treat with the five nations abovementioned. 

Copyed 3d of Nov. 1721. 

Mon. Ralley the Romish Priest at Norridgwalk his letter 
to his Rev. Father dated August \2th 1724 the very 
day that Captain Harmon and his men slew him and a 
number of Indians. 

(Copy.) Narridgwalk August 23. N. S. 

n. 0. S. 
My Rev. Father, 

My people are returned from their last expedition 
wherein one of their bravest champions was killed, be- 
lieving there was about two hundred English divided in 
three partys or bands to drive them out of their camp* 
and expecting a further number to enforce them, in order 
to ruin all the corn in the fields without doubt but I said 
to them how could that be seeing we are daily surround- 
ing and making inrodes upon them every where in tho 


midst of their land, and they not comeing out of their 
fort which they have upon our own land, besides in all 
the warr you have had with them, did you ever see 
them come to attack you in the spring, summer, or in the 
fall, when they knew you were in your habitations, you 
knew it you say your selves that they never did but when 
you was not, but when you were in the woods, for if they 
knew there were but 12 or 15 men in your dwellings they 
dare not approach you with one hundred. We told you 
after the fall fight of Kee Kepenaglieseek that the English 
would come with the nation of Irognas to revenge them- 
selves, you opposed it, and said they would not and yet 
they did, you see now whether you are in the right. I 
had reason to believe it, founded on the ki ng* word, who 
could ever think he should forge such a falshood, and 
how should 1 then answer right. And it was to make 
good their false designs that they come here to shew them- 
selves a master of your land (contrary to my expectation) 
where they would not have a Romish Priest to dwell, and 
if they did not burn the church it is because I did send 
them word in your behalfe that if they did burn it you 
should burn all their temples, therefore there was an or- 
der to the officer not to burn any thing, they hearken to 
all my reasons aforegoing but follow their own, they de- 
sign to quitt the village for a fortnight and to goe five or 
six leagues up the river they proposed it to me and I have 
given them my consent. When I spake to them on such 
an occasion I declared my thought without oblidgeing 
them to follow the same. But I declared to them that I 
was ready to follow their own, its but a few days since 
we came*to the village, and the last are arrived this morn- 
ing. The day before yesterday arrived a party of the 
Becancourians being nine in number, but I have no de- 
pendance on them, but my dependance is upon K«nayons 
the former being favourers of the English. Yesterday 
12 or 15 Pannayanskeins four Harones with one wounded 
arrived here almost starved, therefore they must be sup- 
plied though the corn is not ripe, they must take it as it 
is for we are almost reduced to a famine provisions being 
so scarce. As for myselfe through the grace of God 1 


have gathered in the most part of my field and husked 
the spiine, which is now drying, for I can expect none or 
very little from the salvages. Three Harones are this morn- 
ing to depart and goe into the warr with the Becancourians 
the PannBanskeans desired the Harones to carry away their 
wounded say they you seek nothing but scalps ; there is 
five which we give you, they have had some likewise in this 
village and are to depart tomorrow morning, my own peo- 
ple are also to depart and are now deliberately consulting 
whether they shall joyne with the Becancourians, Ratio 
Dubitandi est that the Barinakiens said when my people 
came to the warr that they joyn with the Narridgwalks, 
who follow the English very close by frequent discharge 
of their pieces, when they other keep at a distance and 
when they return they will take all the honour of the wan- 
to themselves which is very displeasing to my people who 
are deserving of true honour. Therefore they conclude 
to goe by themselves in different partys as I had advised 
them. It is therefore for the same reason that they did 
let the Harones goe by themselves, at their arrival here 
there was a party ready to embark and I advised my peo- 
ple that two of them should goe as a guard to the Harones 
BsaumiBes and Mathien are to joyn with them. But my 
people come and tell me that the Harones being in com- 
pany with them before used to say in Canada that the 
Narridgwalks were but woemen in the warr &c. I am 
sure said I that is a calumny that the Harones cast upon 
them they have no reason to say any such thing, they have 
seen you in the action and you have given them several! 
scalps, &c. but they know the way and tell us every spot, 
however let them goe by themselves. 

I just now received a letter from father Loveijat with 
four cod fish out of eight that he sent me, the bears have 
eat four by the way and said it was a case of necessity 
being for want of provisions though their village is full of 
cod fish out of 15 or 16 vessels they have taken, the fa- 
ther sent me word that by a suitable opportunity he shall 
send me more, and has sent me word that they have new- 
ly taken three vessells and killed ten men some on the 
spot and others by reason they revolted who had spared 


their lives, they have attempted to burn the fort St. George 
by two fire ships or vessells, but for want of wind they 
miscarried. The fire began to take the wood part of the 
fort whereupon they heard the English make a great cry 
and lamentation, some of them comeing out of the fort to 
attempt to extinguish the fire, which the Indians could 
not kill by reason of their being posted on the contrary 
side, they not forseeing that the English could come out 
of the fort on that side, the fire of one of the vessels went 
out soon of it selfe and the English had it. After that nine 
of the Indians went off in a vessell, where they were attack- 
ed by two English vessells they engaged some time and 
the Indians haveing no more powder attempted to board 
one of them but they shunned it, therefore the Indians 
were oblidged to retire, eleven other Indians went in a ves- 
sell and espied two English vessells in the road and went 
to plunder them, but seeing they were full of men, and 
themselves not able to stand them, did save themselves by 
swimming ashore and leaving their vessells. Says the fa- 
ther, I attribute the bad success to their ungratefuil to God 
and disobedience to me, a vessell said he which came from 
the mines to bring us provisions, said that an English 
man assured him that they had a very great inclination to 
peace at Boston and he doubted not but it would be con- 
cluded the next fall, which appears very probable because 
a vessell which went from hence to Boston to bring a 
ransom for the prisoners that are here, is not returned, 
notwithstanding the same time is long since expired, and 
I have answered them that that did not asn*ee with the 
counsle Dr. Orange, that was resolved to keep their land, 
I further said that I would never permit my people to re- 
ceive a ransom for those they take, for there is not one 
but would ransom himselfe and if we should hearken to 
it, the English would never think to return the lands, for 
the loss of their people, that they would easily buy &c. 
The father Loyard wrote to him that his people with 
Kinckemoeks have been in two partys to make an attempt 
on the English at Port Royall, one of these partys attack- 
ed the fort itselfe where they did kill six men and burnt 
two houses after they had plundered them, and the other 


party is not yet returned back. My people are absolute- 
ly willing to return to those forts where one of their brave 
champions was killed in the last party. I am very glad 
that Mr. L'entendant has accepted my present, they have 
brought me my chocolate the two bills that James was to 
have brought with him was cast away, by over setting a 
canoe ; I am well stocked with chocolate for a long time 
which I came easily by, and it shall not be presently car- 
ried away, for it is very weighty, as for the remaining part 
do you keep for me, it may be it troubles you as much as 
it would trouble me if I had it. The father Dupy had a 
warehouse where I put all the wollen and linnen shot and 
powder as well as the blanketing and gun you got for me. 
Since the canoe of the Harones was here, I added those 
things to his merchandize for him, to make the best pro- 
fit — as for me I'm contented and I think well paid, the 
wine shall be put in the cellar to be mixed with that of 
the house, if the tobacco were here it should be put in 
the magazine, I am very much obliged to you my Rev. 
Father for the care you take of me, you are willing I 
should live as a chanoine till the spring, by the plentifull 
supply you have sent me by Panseawen, I have yet con- 
siderable for my selfe for the winter. Since thou has 
sent me some wine, T take a glass after my mass, but I 
dont find it keeps me so well as a dram of brandy. I 
want nothing but Spanish wine for the mass I have 
enough for my selfe for above 12 months, therefore I pray 
the 3d time to send no more wine, I shall send for more 
when I want. 

Note. It is but just to say that the above letter appears to be a rough 
translation from the French, and so bald as to be scarcely intelligible; 
but we have caused it to be printed literatim et punctuati?n from our 
ajicient copy. 



Biographical Memoir of Father Rasles.* 

SEBASTIEN RASLES, of a respectable family in 
Franche-Comte, was a missionary from the Society of 
Jesuits to the Indians in North America. He embarked 
at Rochelle in France on the 23d of July, 1689, and ar- 
rived at Quebec in October following. He immediately 
applied himself to learning the language of the Abnakis ; 
and went to reside in their village, containing 200 inhabi- 
tants, and situated, about three leagues from Quebec, in 
the midst of a forest. A letter of his, published in the 
Lettres Edifiantes et Curieuses ecrits des Missions etran- 
geres, Torn. VI. p. 153. ed. nouv. gives an account of 
this people, their dress, manners, and customs ; the con- 
struction of their wigwams, canoes, snow-shoes, &c. and 
mentions the difficulties which he had to encounter in 
learning their language, and his ultimate success. He 
observes that the language of the Hurons is the mother 
of tongues among the savages ; is more copious and ma- 
jestic than any of the others ; that, when acquired, a 
knowledge of the various dialects of the five nations of 
the Iroquoisf is easily gained ; and adds that Father 
Chaumont, who had lived fifty years among the Hu- 
rons, had composed a very useful grammar of their lan- 
guage. — In another letter, written in 1723, after he had 
spent considerable time among the Abnakis, the Algon- 
kins, the Hurons, and the Illinois, he gives some particu- 
lars of their several languages, and furnishes a little stanza 
in poetry of each, to shew how entirely different they 
were. Though most familiar with the Abnakis language, 
he was well acquainted with that of several other of the 
tribes. " II scavoit presque toutes les langues qu'on parle 

* As this is compiled principally from his own Letters, printed in the "Lettres Edi- 
fiantes," I have written his name as there splet. In his letter, indeed, to Capt Moody, 
Nov. 18, 1712, he has subscribed it Rait ; by our historians it is written Ralle. His 
authography is adopted, also, in the other proper names introduced into this narrative.. 

t The Mohawks, Oneidas, Onondaga*, Senecas, and Cayugas. 


dans ce vaste desert.* He had taught several of his con- 
verts, male and female, to write, and corresponded with 
them in their own language ; and made some attempts in 
Indian poetry. 

After he had been about two years in Canada, he was 
ordered on a mission to the Illinois, a large tribe on the 
river of the same name, formed by the confluence of the 
rivers Plein and Theakiki, and making a branch of the 
Micissippi* To qualify himself for this mission, he de- 
voted three months to the acquisition of the language of 
the Algonkins, through whose country he was to pass, 
and with whom he expected to spend the winter ; and, on 
the 13th of August, commenced his voyage upon the 
lakes. The account which he gives of the hardships of 
the voyage, and of the perils of the wilderness through 
which he passed, often exhausted by fatigue, and some- 
times nearly famished for want of food, is very affecting. 
The season w T as so far advanced when he arrived at Mis- 
silimakinak, that he was there obliged to pass the winter. 
Of the tribe there, he gives a curious and entertaining 
history ; particularly of their superstitions and necroman- 
cers. — In the spring he renewed his travels, and passed 
through the tribes of the Muskoutings, the Jakis, the 
Omikoues, the Iripegouans, the Outagamis b &c. all of 
whom have a distinct language; and, after forty days, took 
water passage upon the Illinois river, descending which 
fifty leagues, he arrived at the first village of the tribe, 
which consisted of about three hundred wigwams. He 
says that there are eleven villages belonging to this na- 
tion. He gives an account of the ceremony of his re- 
ception, the feast of the warriors, and the eloquent ha- 
rangue of the chief on the occasion. " Je vous avoue que 
j'admirai son flux de paroles, la justesse et la force des 
raisons qu'il exposa, le tour eloquent qu'il leur donna, le 
choix et la delicatesse des expressions dont il orna son 
discours. Je suis persuade qui si j'eusse mis par ecrit 
ce que ce Sauvage nous dit sur le champ et sans prepa- 
ration, vous conviendriez sans peine que les plus habiles 

* He was acquainted with almost all the languages spoken in this vast desert. 


Europeens, apres beaucoup de meditation et d'etude, ne 
pourroient gueres composer un discours plus solide et 
mieux tourne."* — He describes, afterwards, the appear- 
ance, dress, and manners of the nation. — After residing 
with them two years, he returned to Quebec ; and then 
resumed his mission to the Abnaquis, at whose village, 
which he calls Narantsouakrf on the Kinibiki, he princi- 
pally resided during the remaining twenty six years of 
his life. His letters give an account of the people to 
whose instruction he devoted himself; of his labours and 
mode of living among them ; of the erection and furnish- 
ing of his little chapel, and of the troubles by which the 
later years of his life were embittered. 

In speaking of the method of illuminating his chapel, 
he observes that he had found an excellent substitute for 
wax, by boiling the berries of a kind of laurel in water, 
and skimming off the thick oily substance which rose to 
the top. Twenty four pounds of this beautiful green 
wax, and an equal quantity of tallow, will make one hun- 
dred wax-candles of a foot long. [" d'un pied du Roi."] 
— He describes, also, his mode of living, which was very 
simple, and consisted principally of Indian corn, which 
he calls skamgnar, pounded in a mortar, and made into a 
kind of bouillie, by boiling with water. The insipidity 
of this he corrected, he says, by adding sugar to it, which 
was made in the spring of the year by the women, by 
boiling down the sap of the maple, which they collected 
in bark troughs as it flowed from incisions made in the 
trunk of the tree. — These particulars are quoted, because 
it is curious to know that the method of extracting the 
bayberry wax, and of making maple-sugar, articles of 
considerable importance to us, has been learned of the 

* 1 must avow to you that I admired his flow of words, the justness and force with 
which he exhibited his reasons, the eloquent turn which he gave them, and the choice 
and delicacy of expressions with which he adorned his discourse. I am persuaded that 
if I should commit to writing that which this Savage said to us on the spur of the occa- 
sion and without preparation, you would be convinced that the most able Europeans, 
after much meditation and study, could scarcely compose a discourse more judicious 
or better constructed. 

t By our historians it is spelled Norridgewock, and the river Kenntbeck. 


Having become strongly attached to these Indians, by 
whom he was loved and venerated as a father, he beheld 
with great concern the encroachments of the English up- 
on their territory. He mentions that in consequence of 
the indulgence granted first to one and then to another 
trader to build a store in their vicinity, the inhabitants of 
Massachusetts proceeded at length to erect three forts on 
the river, one of which was of stone. This excited an 
alarm. In behalf of the natives he sent a remonstrance, 
of a hundred pages, to the Governour of the Colony, de- 
fending the rights of the natives to the undisturbed pos- 
session of the region which they inhabited. This docu- 
ment has not been preserved ; but some of his letters 
are to be found in the archives of the Secretary's office of 
this Commonwealth ; and it must be confessed that they 
speak the language of indignant reprehension of what he 
conceived to be the encroachments of the English colo- 
nists : while from some other papers in the same files it 
appears that the Indians were more easily intreated, than 
the persevering and inflexible priest. He wrote also, af- 
terwards, to some of the ministers of Boston in Latin, vin- 
dicating the interest which he took in favour of his tribe. 
A translation of one of these letters is to be found in the 
manuscript Journal of the Rev. Henry Flynt, among 
the archives of the Historical Society. The earnestness 
and positiveness of Father Rasles gave offence to the 
government and people of New England, and he was 
considered as instigating the reprizals which the Indians 
afterwards made upon those whom they deemed intru- 
ders ; accordingly an attempt was made in 1721 by Col. 
Thomas Westbrooke and his troops to seize him. 
They arrived at the village undiscovered ; but before 
they could surround his house, he escaped into the woods, 
leaving his papers in his strong box, which they brought 
off. Among these papers were his letters of correspon- 
dence with the Governour of Canada, by which it ap- 
peared that the Governour was deeply engaged in excit- 
ing the Indians to a rupture, and had promised to assist 
them. — A dictionary of the Abnakis language, was also 
found among his papers ; and it was deposited in the Li- 


brary of Harvard College. There is this memorandum 
on it : " 1691. II y a un an que je suis parmi les Sau- 
vages je commence a mettre en ordre en forme de dic- 
tionaire les mots que j' apprens."* It is a quarto volume, 
of above 500 pages. 

This attempt to seize their spiritual father, could not 
long be unrevenged by the Indinns, The next summer 
[1722] they took nine families from Merry-meeting bay, 
and, after dismissing some of the prisoners, retained 
enough to secure the redemption of their hostages, and 
sent them to Canada. About the same time they made 
an attempt on the fort at St. George's ; but were repuls- 
ed with considerable loss. They also surprized some 
fishing vessels in the eastern harbours ; and at length made 
a furious attack on the town of Brunswick, which they 
destroyed. This action determined the government of 
Massachusetts to issue a declaration of war against them, 
which was published in form at Boston and Portsmouth. t 

Particulars of this contest are detailed in Penhal- 
low's Narrative. Hutchinson's History of Massachu- 
setts, and Dr. Belknap's History of New Hampshire. 
Referring to these, I will only insert here an abridged re- 
cital of the fate of Father Rasles, given by Father de 
la Chasse, superior general of the missions to New 

On the 23d of August, [O. S. 12th,] 1724, eleven 
hundred men came to Nanrantsouak. In consequence 
of the thickets with which the village was surrounded, 
and the little care taken by the inhabitants to prevent a 
surprize, the invaders were not discovered until the very 
instant they made a discharge of their guns, and their 
shot had penetrated the Indian wigwams. There were not 
above fifty fighting men in the village. These took to their 
arms, and ran out in confusion, not with any expectation 
of defending the place against an enemy already in pos- 
session, but to favour the escape of their wives, their old 

* Having been a year among the Savages, I begin to arrange in the form of a 
dictionary the words which 1 learn. 

f Belknap's History of New Hampshire, v. II. p. 52. 


men and children, and to give them time to gain the oth- 
er side of the river, of which the English had not then 
possessed themselves. 

The noise and tumult gave Father Rasles notice of 
the danger his converts were in. Not intimidated, he 
went out to meet the assailants, in hopes to draw all their 
attention to himself and secure his flock at the peril of his 
own life. He was not disappointed. As soon a^ he ap- 
peared the English set up a shout, which was followed 
by a shower of shot, and he fell near a cross which he 
had erected in the middle of the village, and with him 
seven Indians who had accompanied him to shelter him 
with their own bodies. — The Indians, in the greatest con- 
sternation at his death, immediately took to flight, and 
crossed the river some by fording and others swimming. 
The enemy pursued them until they entered far into the 
woods ; and then returned, and pillaged and burnt the 
church and the wigwams. — Notwithstanding so many 
shot had been fired, only thirty of the Indians were slain, 
and fourteen wounded.— After having accomplished their 
object, the English withdrew with such precipitation that 
it seemed rather a flight than a victory. 

When the fugitive Indians came back to their village, 
they made it their first care to weep over the body of 
their beloved priest ; whom they found shot through in 
many places, scalped, and terribly mangled. After kiss- 
ing the bloody corse, they buried him by the place where 
the altar stood before the church was burnt. 

Father Rasles was in the 67th year of his age. He 
had naturally a robust constitution ; but for the last nine- 
teen years his health was feeble, in consequence of having 
broken his limbs by a fall. He was a man of superior 
sense and profound learning ; and particularly skilled in 
Latin, which he wrote with classical purity. As a mis- 
sionary he was zealous ; and by the Catholics his memo- 
ry was cherished with veneration. Indeed, to have de- 
voted such talents to the instruction and christianizing 
the savages ; to have consented not only to live among 
them all his days, in the depths of the forests, in an un- 
repining conformity to their customs, and upon their un- 


palatable food in irregular and uncertain supplies ; but to 
have taken such long journeys through a rugged wilder- 
ness, without shelter or comfortable repose by night, and 
with incessant fatigue by day; and to have endured such 
privations, hardships and sufferings as he did in discharg- 
ing the offices of his sacred mission, must extort the admi- 
ration of all. And yet, influenced I apprehend by the 
prejudices common to the age against the Roman Catho- 
lics, and by the resentment excited against the Indians, 
the earlier historians of our country have recorded some 
slanders against Father Rasles, which later writers have 
copied without examining into their truth. — The first is 
respecting the Indian who was killed June 10th, 1724, as 
quoted by Dr. Belknap from the manuscript of Mr. 
Hugh Adams. " The slain Indian (says he) was a per- 
son of distinction, and wore a kind of coronet of scarlet 
dyed fur, with an appendage of four small bells, by the 
sound of which the others might follow him through the 
thickets. His hair was remarkably soft and fine ; and he 
had about him a devotional book, and a muster-roll of 
one hundred and eighty Indians ; from which circum- 
stances it was supposed that he was the natural son of the 
Jesuit Ralle, by an Indian woman who had served him as 
a laundress." — Now, we learn from Charlevoix, T. II. 
p. 107 and 379, that the Sieur de S. Castine had married 
an Abnaquis ; that the children lived with their maternal 
relations ; that the eldest son, the Baron de S. Castine, 
considered himself as belonging on his mother's side to 
the nation of the Abnaquis, and in 1721 had become ac- 
knowledged as their chief. " From which circumstances 
it may be supposed," with much greater probability, that 
the Indian in question was of the family of Castine, and 
not a natural son of the priest. His muster-roll imports 
his being a chieftain ; and his coronet designates his 
claim to nobility. 

Another aspersion of the character of Father Rasles 
is, that " He even made the offices of devotion serve as 
incentives to the ferocity of the savages, and kept a flag 
on which was depicted a cross surrounded by bows and 
arrows, which he used to hoist on a pole at the door o£ 


his church, when he gave them absolution previously to 
their engaging in any warlike enterprize." — This charge 
is copied from "the New England Courant," No. 160. 
How much reliance is to be placed upon news-paper 
paragraphs, written respecting those with whom hostili- 
ties are carried on, the dispassionate will judge. Imput- 
ed reasons are not always correct : if they were, the abo- 
rigines might infer that the figure of an Indian, with a 
drawn sword over his head, on the flag of the English 
inhabitants of Massachusetts, implied that it was borne 
in menace of an exterminating war against all the In- 

But the most formidable crimination of the missionary 
was said to be one of the last acts of his life. "The 
Jesuit was found in a wigwam, and he defended himself 
with intrepid courage, but his character was stained by 
an act of barbarous cruelty. He had with him an En- 
glish boy of fourteen years, who had been a prisoner 
about six months, and resolving not to fall alone he shot 
him through the thigh, and stabbed him through the 
body." — We search in vain for the evidence of this re- 
vengeful deed. It could not be that it was seen by the 
invaders, for they were in martial array in the street of 
the village, and not within the wigwams, and at leisure to 
see what was transacted there. Who, then, could say, 
for a certainty, that he was the perpetrator ? Besides, it 
appears that the missionary rushed out immediately to 
see what was the occasion of the terrible alarm, and pre- 
sented himself before the assailants ; either to mediate 
for the safety of his flock, or to offer his own life for 
their rescue. 

I have made these statements, not as the eulogist of 
Father Rasles, nor even with any special solicitude to 
vindicate his conduct as the patron of the Indians ; but 
to redeem his memory from aspersions wdiich appear to 
be unfounded, and, by obviating these misrepresentations, 
to do him the justice, to which his painful labours seem 

34 vol. vni. 


Letter from Father Rale to Captain Moody. 

(Copy.) Nanrantsoak, 18 Novemb. [1712.] 


JLaE gouverneur general du Canada me mande par sa 
lettre qui m'a ete apportee depuis quelques jours, que le 
dernier vaisseau du Roi arrive a Quebec le 30 Sept. rap- 
porte que la paix n'est pas encore conclue entre les deux 
couronnes de France & d'Angleterre qu'il est vrai qu'on 
en parte fort. Voila ce qu'il m'en dit. 

Et d'autres lettres que j'ai reciies m'apprennent que 
Monsieur L'Intendant qui est arrive dans ce vaisseau, 
dit qu'etant sur le point de s'embarquer a la Rochelle on 
y recu une lettre de Monsieur de Tallard, qui assuroit 
que la paix etoit faite, & qu'elle seroit publiee sur la fin 

Or on ne le peut pas scavoir en Canada, mais on le peut 
scavoir a Boston ou les vaisseaux peuvent arriver en 
toute saison, si vous en scavez quelque chose, je vous 
prie de me le faire scavoir, afinq' j'envoie incessamment 
a Quebec sur les glaces, pour en informer le gouverneur 
general pour qu'il empeche les sauvages de faire aucun 
acte d'hostilite. Je suis tres parfaitement 

Votre tres humble & tres 
obeissant serviteur 


(Addressed as follows) 

A Monsieur 
Monsieur Moody, Captaine fy Gouverneur du Fort, $c. 

[N. B. The above letter is enclosed in a letter from 
Capt. Saml. Moody to Gov. Dudley, dated "Casco, 10th 
Decemb." [1712.] He says, "The Indians have made 
us three visits in my absence, and brought several letters 
from the Friar, which are inclosed."] 

LETTER. 259 

Files of 1715 to 1723. 

French letter from " Eli Lauverjat de la Compagnie 
de Jesus," dated " a Pannayapske ou Pintagonie, ce 14 
Deeembre, 1718. 

Indorsed, " Father Lauverjat's letter to the Governour, 
1718." Complaints of encroachments and taking Indians' 

M July 27, 1721. Eastern Indians' Letter to the Gov- 

Grand Capitaine des Anglois, 

X U vois par le traite de paix dont je t'envoye la copie, 
que tu dois vivre pacifiquement avec moy. Est ce vivre 
en paix avec moy de me prendre ma terre malgre moy ? 
Ma terre que j'ay recu de Dieu seul, ma terre de laquelle 
aucun roy ny aucune puissance etrangere n'a pu, ny ne 
peut disposer malgre moy, ce que tu fais neanmoins 
depuis plusieurs annees, en t'y etablissant et en t'y forti- 
fiant contre mon gre, comme tu as fait dans ma Riviere 
d'Anmirkangan, de Kenibekki, dans celle de JVlatsiliBan- 
8ssis, et ailleurs, et tout recemment dans ma Riviere 
d'Anm8kangan, ou j'ay este surpris de voir un fort qu'on 
m'a dit se batir par tes ordres. 

Songe grand Capitaine que je t'ay souvant dit de te 
retirer de dessus ma terre, et que je te le redis maintenant 
pour la derniere fois. Ma terre n'est a toy ny par droit de 
conqueste, ni par donaison, ny par achapt. Elle n'est 
point a toy par droit de conqueste. 

Quand m'en as tu chasse ? Et ne t'en ai-je pas cliasse 
toutes les fois que nous avons eu guerre ensemble, ce qui 
prouve qu'elle est a moy par plusieurs titres. 

Elle n'est point a toy par donaison. Le roy de France 
dis tu, te Ta'donnee. Mais a-t-il pu te la donner? Suis je 
son sujet ? Les sauvages te Pont donnee. Quelques sau- 
vages, due tu as surpris en les faisant boire, ont ils pu te 
la donner au prejudice de toute leur nation, que, bien 
loin de ratifier cette donaison, ce qui seroit necessaire 
pour te donner quelque droit, la declare vaine et illusoire ? 

260 eastern Indians' letter. 

Quelques uns t'en avoient preste quelques endroits, mais 
scache que toute la nation revoque ces prestes, a cause de 
l'abus que tu en faits. Quand t'ont ils permis de faire 
des forts et de t'avancer autant que tu fais dans leur 
Riviere ? 

Elle n'est point a toy a raison d'achapt. Et tu me dis 
une chose que mes grand peres et mes peres ne m'ont 
jamais dit. Qu'ils eusseut vendu ma terre quand quelques 
uns en auroient vendu certains endroits, ce qui n'est pas, 
puisque tu ne puis pas dire que tu aye sufisament paye 
la moindre des isles dorit tu veux t'emparer, j'ay droit 
de rentier dans un bien qu'on n'a pu aliener a mon preju- 
dice, et que j'ay tant fois reconquis. 

J'attends done ta reponse dans 3 dimanches ; si sous 
ce terine tu ne rn'ecris pas que tu te retires de dessus ma 
terre, je ne te diray plus de te retirer, et je croiray que 
tu veux t'en rendre maitre malgre moy. 

Au reste, ce n'est pas icy la parole de 4 ou 5 sauvages 
que par tes presens, tes mensonges, et tes ruses tu peux 
faire facilement tomber dans tes sentimens, e'est la parole 
de toute la nation Abnaquise repandiie dans ce continent 
et en Canada, et de tous les autres sauvages chretiens 
leurs alliez qui se sont exprcz assemblez pour te parler 
ainsi sur ma terre, et qui, apres t'avoir attendu plus de 50 
jours, et mes gens, que je suis surpris que tu ne me 
renvoye point contre ta parole, te somment tous ensem- 
ble de te retirer de dessus la terre des Abnaquis que tu 
veux usurper injustement, et qui a pour bornes la Riviere 
de Kenibege, Riviere qui la separe de la terre des Iro- 
quois, J'aurois droit de te redemander tout l'espace qui 
est depuis cette Riviere jusqu'a moy, puisque tu n'en 
possedes rien que par surprise, mais je veux bien te laisser 
dans cette espace a condition qu'absolument il ne logera 
plus d'Anglois a une lieue prez de ma Riviere de PegB- 
akki, ny depuis cette borne le long des bords de la mer 
qui repondent a toute l'etendue de ma terre, ny dans le 
bas de mes Rivieres, ny dans aucune des isles qui repond- 
ent a me terre, qui sont au large et ou mon canot pent 

Si quelques particuliers sauvages, adonez a la boisson. 

LETTER. 261 

te disent de te loger ou tu logeois autrefois, scachc que 
toute la nation desavoue cette permission, et que J'yray 
b ruler ces maisons apres les avoir pillees. 

par tries Gens qui sont en Boston* 

J'attends ta reponse dans mon village de Nanrants8ak A 
en Francois comme je t'ecris. Si tu m'ecris en Anglois je 
croiray que tu n'as pas voulu estre entendre et que tu 
veux retenir ma terre et mes gens malgre moy, que je 
te dis encore de me rendre, parceque la terre est a moy, 
et que pour mes 4 hommes j'ay donne la rencon dont 
nous sommes convenus pour m'aquiter de ma parole, 
quoyque je ne te doive rien. C'est la parole de toute la 
nation Abnaquise repandue dans ce continent et en Cana- 
da, et de touse les sauvages Catoliques, Hurons, Iroquois, 
Misemaks, et autres alliez des Abnaquis, dont les anciens 
et les Deputez ont paru et parle au lieu nome Menaskek 
au sieur. 

Le 28 Jul. 1721. 

Scache encor grand capitaine, que toute la nation 
Abnaquise proteste de nullite sur tous les actes que tu as 
passe jusqu'icy avec les sauvages, et parce qu'ils n'ont 
point este avouez ny recus de toute la nation, et parce 
qu'ils n'ont este que l'effet de tes supercheries, comme 
dans celuy de peskadoe, sur le quel tu te fondes si fort, ou 
tu fis si faussement entendre aux sauvages que tu estois 
seul maitre de la terre, que le royde France t'avoit donne 
leur pays ; comme si un roy pouvoit donner ce qui n'est 
pas a luy. 

Vu Peffet da la boisson que tu donnes en abondance 
aux sauvages, apres quoy ils te promettent tout ce que tu 

Vu Peffet de la violence que tu as exercee en leur 
endroit en plusieurs rencontres, et tout nouvellement 
l'hyver dernier, ou apres en avoir appelle six pour te 
parler au sujet des bestiaux qu'on t'avoit tuez, et qu'on 
avoit droite de te tuer pour t'obliger par la a te retirer d'une 
terre qui n'est point a toy, tu les fis entrer dans une maison 

* Thus interlined in the original ; and the word mes was first written mais and 
then corrected. 



et ensuite entourer de prez de deux cent Anglois armez de 
pistolets et d'epee et en les obligeant de demeurer 4 pour 
cer bestiaux tuez. Tu as conduit ces 4 hommes prisoniers 
a Boston. Tu avois promis de rendre ess 4 hommes en te 
donnant 200 castors. Les castors sont donnez, et main- 
tenant tu retiens ces homes. Par quel droict ? 

Signature de la nation Abnaquise et des sauvages ses 

Ceux de NarantsBuk 

Ceux de PentugSet 

Ceux de NarakamigB 

Ceux d'Anmissskanti 

Ceux de Muanbissek 

Ceux de PegBakki 

Ceux de Medokteck 


Ceux de Ksupahag c^j ^d 

Ceux de Pesmokanti 

Ceux d'ArsikantegB ^Z J^.. 

Ceux d'sansinak 

Leurs alliez 

Les Iroquois du sante 

Les Iroquois de la Montagne 

Les Algonquins 

Les Hurons 

Les Mikemaks 

Les Montagnez du cote du ^4^~^ 

Les Papinachoisj et autres 
nation voisines 


Otis Westbrook* to Hon. Wm. Dummer, Esq.. 

St. George's, March the 23d, 1722—3. 
May it please your Honour, 

J-TjLY last informed your honour of my arival in Penob- 
scot river, and would crave leave now to acquaint you 
that on the 4th instant I sett out to find the fort, and 
after five dayes march through the woods wee arived 
abrest of severall islands where the pilot supposed the 
fort must be ; here we were obliged to make four canoo's 
to ferry from island to island, and sent a scout of fifty 
men upon discovery, on the 9th instant, who sent me 
word they had discovered the fort and waited my arivall. 
I left a guard of a hundred men with the provisions and 
and tents, and with the rest went to the scout being forc- 
ed to ferry over to them ; they had, and wee could see the 
fort, but not come to it by reason of a swift river, and the 
ice at the heads of the islands not permitting the canoo's 
to come round, we were obliged to make two more, with 
which we ferryed over, and by six in the evening arived 
at the fort, leaving a guard of 40 men on the west side of 
the river to facillate our return. 

The enemy had deserted it in the fall as we judge, 
and carryed every thing with them ; except the inclosed 
papers, nothing rnatteriall was found. The fort was 70 
yards in length and 50 in breadth, well stockadoed, 14 foot 
high, furnisht with 23 houses built regular ; on the south 
side close by it was their chappell. 60 foot long and 30 
wide, well and handsomely finished within and without, 
and on the south side of that the Fryer's dwelling house. 
Wee sett fire to them and by sunrise next morning con- 
sumed them all. Wee then returned to our first guards 
and thence to our tents, and so proceeded to the sloops, 
being judged to be 32 miles distant, Mr. Gibson and 
several other sick with a guard not being arived ; and 
when they arived we fell down the river, at the mouth 

Endorsed " Coil, Westbrook's Letter" 


whereof, on the 16th current, at 3 of the clock in the 
morning the Reverend Mr. Gibson dyed.* Wee arived 
at this place the 20th instant, where we decently interred 
him, and three more of our men with the usuall form. 

(The letter then details the state of the troops and their 
provisions, &c.) 

Files of 1715 to 1723. 

Letter from Joseph Heath and John Minot to Gov. 
Shute, dated Merry-meeting Bay, May 1st, 1719, speaks 
of a conference with " the Jesuit" and his answers. 
" After the Jesuit had talkt with us as before inserted in 
the name of the Indians (as he said) we told the princi- 
pall Indians thereof who said the Jesuit had told us wrong 
storeys, and calling acouncell declaired they did not con- 
sent to what the Jesuit said, and that he spoke his rninde 
and not theirs, and that they did not imploy him to write 
any letter for them, and that if he sent any letters at any 
time they desire your Excellency would receive them as 
his letters and not theirs. Its our humble oppinnion that 
the Fryer is an incendiary of mischief amongst these 
Indians and that were it not for his pernicious sugges- 
tions your Excellency would not meet with any trouble 
from them." We are, &c. 

Letter from Saml. Moody to the governour, " George 
Town, June 5th, 1721." " I lately received the Jesuite's 
letters from Mr. Secretary with your Excellency's direc- 
tions to interpret them to the Indians and to receive their 
answer referring to their dismissing said Jesuite which 
the government hath lately demanded of them. T have 
seen but few of the Indians since my arrival at George 
Town :" — states, that he has sent them a message to re- 
ceive their positive answer to the letter sent them in the 
winter, &c. • 

Same to same, June 19, 1721, speaks of his last from 
" Arrowsick" in which he acknowledged the receipt of 

* Benjamin Gibson, A. M. who graduated at Harvard College in 1719. From Will- 
iam Winthrop, Esq. we learn, that he was "a Preacher and Writing School Master in 
Boston, and died March 16, 1723, at Penobscot. 1 suppose he went to the Eastward.. 
as a Chaplain." — Ed. 

35 vol. viii- 


the Jesuit's letters from the Secretary, &c. — says he finds 
the Indians had debated the matter, and determined not 
to give any answer to the Govern our's letter. 

Same to same, July 8, 1721 — stating the assembling 
of the Indians with several Jesuits. 


Intercepted Letter from Ralle, 1724. 


people returned in the spring having learnt what 
had passed in the winter, made a party of forty men 
against the English not with a design to kill, but to put 
them in mind of their word, and make them draw off. 
In one night they ranged near ten leagues of the countrey 
where the English had setled, broke into their houses, 
bound their riwn, which they made prisoners to the 
number of sixty-four, pillaged their houses and burnt all — 
and this party being returned another fitted out to pillage 
and burn many houses with we hear a stone fort, and at 
length they took up the hatchet against the English and 
carried it to a village of Canada. The warriours set out 
on their way and being arrived here I embarqued with 
them to go to war, being in all 160 we arrived at the vil- 
lage they went to attack, which consisted of fifty fair 
houses, supported by five forts two of stone and three of 
wood. At break of day ten Englishmen coming out of 
their stone fort with their arms, seven of my people set 
upon them killed some, but one of ours being wounded 
in the thigh was brought to the camp, and the English 
dare not after that come out of their stone fort any more, 
where all the inhabitants had sheltered themselves to the 
number of near 600 men besides women and children. 
My people still inviting them to come out and nobody 
appearing they fell upon the houses supposing the inhab- 
itants had been there, which they found empty and pil- 
laged and burnt them all with their three forts of wood ; 
they burnt all their works of wood, filled up their wells, 


killed their cattle, oxen, cows, horses, sheep, swine ; and 
these 600 miserable Englishmen saw all this without 
daring to come out ; and as for myself to pleasure the 
English I made my appearance and shewed myself to 
them several times which perhaps increased their fury 
against me, while they saw me, but dare do nothing to 
me although they knew that the governour had set my 
head at a thousand livres sterling, I shall not part with it 
nevertheless for all the sterling money in England. 
But that which I see most perplexing and pittiful in all 
is, that the English still keep their forts, and the Indian 
arms not being able to do any thing against them, they 
remain still masters of the land, and unless the French 
joyn with the Indians the land is lost. This is what now 
discourageth the Indians for which reason they have left 
Norridgewalk fort for to people the villages of Canada, 
they would have carried me with them but I bid them 
go. But as for me I remain, and they are gone and 
about eight or nine stays here with me. We know what 
the Court shall judge concerning this countrey and the 
Indians have quitted being pers waded that the English 
to revenge themselves for the damage we have done will 
come and burn Norridgewock. 

Copy — Examined per J. Willard, Sec'y. 

The Letter aforewritten was taken among Seb. Ralle's 
papers at Norridgewock. — J. W. 

Endorsed, " Letter from Seb. Rale, 1724." 

N. B. — This date of 1724 appears to be in a different 
hand writing from the words over it ; these words are in 
Willard's writing. 

Letter of Professor Ebeling to President Stiles. 

[It is the intention of the Historical Society to preserve in their Col- 
lections a Memoir of their late highly respected member, correspondent 
and benefactor, Professor Ebeling. Ampler materials for such a paper 

268 professor ebeling's letter. 

than can be found on this side the Atlantic, have been applied for, but 
are not yet obtained. In the mean time it is thought respectful to the 
memory of that eminent man, to publish the following letter, illustrative 
at once of the design of his great geographical and historical work, and 
of his indefatigable labour and intense zeal in the prosecution of it. It 
is also believed, that the plan of this work, as delineated by the author 
himself, will be gratifying and useful, especially to [he members of the 
Historical Society. Such a complete delineation of his design, as is 
here given, has, we believe, appeared in none of our own, if in any for- 
eign Journals ; nor is it to be found even in the work itself. 

The donation, by the author, to the Society, of the volumes of the 
" Geography and History of America," so far as published before his 
lamented death, and the recent reception of his whole American Library, 
as a donation to Harvard College,* enhance the value of this letter. 
It is a key to his library, as well as to his book ; the rich and copious 
collection of materials in the one, corresponding with the grand and 
extensive design of the other. It is, too, we might add, a key to the 
author himself. It lets us into the latent motives, .which influenced him 
to undertake so vast a work on the subject of a remote country, and a 
foreign nation — motives which reflect the highest honour upon his phi- 
lanthropy and patriotism. 

The letter was received in November, 1794, and answered by Presi- 
dent Stiles in the spring of the following year. The answer was too 
late for the second volume, which, as appears by a Note at the end of 
the volume, was finished 12 March, 1795> It was, doubtless, reserved 
for the intended " Supplements and Corrections." The indefatigable 
author had already employed about twenty years on the work, and he 
lived to bestow the labour of more than twenty additional years upon it, 
yet left it unfinished. Hie diu vixit. Quamquam, eheu ! quid est in 
hominis vita diu ? 

The President's letter, a copy of which is preserved, fills 86 quarto 
pages; and contains as much of the History of Connecticut, " as his 
avocations and incessant labours of office would admit." It was his last 
literary essay, written in four weeks, and finished 13 April, 1795, one 
month only before his death. 

In the Catalogue of Professor Ebeling's Library this Letter is called 
" President Stiles's MS. History of Connecticut ;" a title with which the 
Professor was pleased to honour it, but which the writer would not have 
chosen to designate what he intended as materials towards such a history, 
not for the history itself. 

The letter of Professor Ebeling was accompanied with the following 
introductory one from Mr. Barlow. Edit.] 

* Purchased and presented by Hon. Israel Thorndike 

MR. barlow's letter. 209 

Hamburgh, 27 May, 1794. 
My dear and much respected Sir, 

X ERMIT me to ask your attention to a subject which, 
I am sure, will give you some pleasure in compensation 
for the trouble it may cost you. Mr. Professor Ebeling, 
a gentleman of great eminence in literature, philosophy, 
and republican principles, has undertaken a work entitled, 
The Geography and History of the United States. It 
will be in five or six volumes. He has made such 
progress as to be able to send you herewith the first 
volume. You know that the genuine sources of infor- 
mation, especially with respect to our state, are rare, and 
some of those few that exist are hard to come at for a 
person at this distance. In his letter, which accompanies 
this he will tell his own story, and point out to you the 
articles which he wants. He will likewise mention those 
which he has already by him, in order to enlighten your 
discretion in furnishing him with such others as you 
may think proper, besides those he mentions by name. 
Mr. Isaac Beers, to whom we likewise write, will assist 
you and consult with you on the subject. He is furnish- 
ed with the means of payment. 

Every such attempt to instruct the European world in 
whatever concerns America, deserves our warmest en- 
couragement, as it serves to induce the oppressed of all 
nations to come to us ; a migration which at once aug- 
ments our prosperity and their felicity. And I know no 
man who possesses more ability and inclination to serve 
the cause of humanity in this way, than he whom I have 
the honour to recommend to your correspondence. 

It is to be regretted, that the difference of language 
has placed such a barrier as it has between us and the 
German literature. We have been content to borrow 
from them their improvements in science, without being 
able to relish the beauties of their writers. These are 
more numerous, and perhaps more excellent, than those 
of any other modern nation. We have, for some reason 
or other neglected to cultivate their language, or trans- 
late their works. 

270 professor ebeling's letter. 

Among other good authors in this town, I have the 
pleasure of knowing the great poet Klopstock, whom the 
Germans think as much superior to Milton, as we think 
Milton superior to him. This difference of opinion is 
doubtless owing to the badness of the translations in 
which we read the Messiah, and they, the Paradise Lost. 
This charming man is near eighty years of age, he 
mounts a horseback like a young man, and makes odes 
with as much fire as Collins. 

1 hope to have the pleasure of seeing you and my 

dear country in the course of next year, and am in the 
mean time, with great respect and veneration, 

Your obedient servant, 


Mr. President Stiles. 

Professor Ebeling's Letter* 

Hamburgh, Germany, June 26th, 1794. 

Reverend Sir 

It is some years ago, when I resolved to take the lib- 
erty of writing to you on account of a Description of 
America I have undertaken to write. But though I knew 
your great desire to promote sciences and useful knowl- 
edge, which owe you so much, yet I was fearful to be 
troublesome to you, and to encroach upon your more 
valuable time, unless I could produce some specimen of 
my endeavours to make my at present much distracted 
country acquainted with your happier one. Mr. Barlow, 
whose friendship I am so fortunate to enjoy as he lives 
near Hamburgh since some months, assured me that you 
would kindly pardon the boldness of a stranger, whose 
ardent desire to describe America in such a manner as 
would not be entirely unworthy of its happy state makes 
him wish for the best materials he may be able to find 

* The Letter is printed verbatim. Instead of criticising a few instances of the Ger- 
man and Latin idioms, we cannot but admire so much purity of language in the com- 
position of a foreigner. Ep. 


out, and who thinks the best way to procure them will 
be, to apply to those eminent literati who are the best 
acquainted with the history, government, natural and 
political state of their country. To whom should I rather 
apply than to you, reverend sir, whose merits are not un- 
known even to us, distant so many thousand leagues from 
you ? I therefore rely upon your kindness and hope you 
will grant me the favour I require. 

I have already published one volume of my Descrip- 
tion and History, which I make bold to offer to you. I 
wish you read German, in order to peruse my book your- 
self, but I believe there will be at your place somebody 
who may explain you something thereof, that you may 
judge whether I am not unworthy of your protection. I 
was happy enough to find good materials for that part 
which contains New Hampshire and Massachusetts, but 
very unfortunate as to Rhode Island, Connecticut and 
Vermont, which enter into the second part now printing, 
whereof I send you the sheets ; some of them yet to be 
reprinted before publication and to be corrected consid- 
erably. My plan is rather very extensive. After quoting 
the best materials known to me as also the best maps I 
could find out, I proceed to describe the boundaries and 
extent of the state, §. 1 ; its climate and healthfulness, §. 
2 ; the general appearance of the soil, the mountains, 
promontories, §. 3 ; the waters, etc. Then I consider its 
produces according to the three reign of nature : viz. §. 
5, the mineral kingdom ; §. 6, the vegetables, forrest trees, 
useful herbs growing wild ; §. 7, agriculture, horticulture, 
orchards, artificial meadows and their produces ; §. 8, 
the animal kingdom, as well the natural history (as 
far as I could get knowledge thereof) relative to wild 
beasts and birds, as the rearing of domestical ones, §. 9. 
Fishes and fisheries are considered afterwards, §. 10. 
The following §§ are dedicated to the inhabitants, their 
numbers, different species, character, and manner of 
life. §. 12, I consider the form of the government and 
the constitution, courts of judicature ; (I thought it ad- 
viceable to mention also its former state under the British 
dominion, quo opposita juxta se posita eo magis illuces- 

272 professor ebeling's letter. 

cant.) §. 13, Finances, revenues, taxes, debts, expenses. 
§. 14, Military state. §. 15, Ecclesiastical state ; tole- 
rance ; missionaries. § 16, Learning, colleges, acade- 
mies, schools ; the principal learned men living now in each 
state, societies of literature, printing offices, newspapers, 
the liberal arts. To these I have added the charitable 
societies. §.17 sqq. are dedicated to trade, manufac- 
tures and commerce, which I have endeavoured to treat 
as amply as possible, because it interests my country and 
especially the republic I live in. After having enume- 
rated the different branches of manufacturing industry, I 
consider the situation for trade, navigation, the market 
places and inland trade, the public institutions for pro- 
moting trade, the money, measures, etc. the paper cur- 
rency, (with a retrospect to the former times,) the banks, 
interest, laws of commerce ; the principal produces for 
exportation ; the newest state of navigation compared 
with elder ones ; coasting trade ; the different branches 
as well of this as of the foreign trade according to the 
nations it is carried to. The last part, §. 19, is a topo- 
graphy as complete and exact as was in my power, fol- 
lowing the counties and townships. Part of this topo- 
graphy may be thought inconsiderable and rather too 
minutious ; but considering the rapid increase of North 
America, it may be useful in future times when a com- 
paration of the former state of the country may be wished 

§. 20 contains the history of each state, as far as I 
thought a circumstantial account would be interesting 
and instructive for Europeans. A principal point of view 
offered itself to me, which I never lost out of sight, viz. 
the difference of a state of dependence and of freedom, 
together with the ways how it was acquired, promoted 
and founded, as also the immediate effects of its being 

I confess it is an arduous task I undertook, but I was 
incited to persevere by the animating beauty of the ob- 
ject, the many imperfect and false accounts Europe has 
of your country, and the possible good effect which a 
faithful picture of a truly free republic founded upon the 


most solid foundations, could produce in the most part 
of Europe, so very remote from such happiness as you 
enjoy. I even dared to flatter myself that my book could 
in some way contribute to rectify those mistaken ideas of 
liberty, which begin to prevail in two equally destructive 
manners, viz. as French libertinism, or English, German, 
and Russian despotism, have been instrumental in form- 
ing them. 

I know my book is the more imperfect the more I ex- 
tended my plan, but I shall willingly sacrifice my little 
reputation, when I can help to procure better information 
from others. 

When my description of the 15 states and the western 
country is completed I shall add a separate volume or 
general introduction to the knowledge of the United 
States, containing an essay of general natural history, the 
federal constitution, with an abstract of the laws of Con- 
gress digested into natural order, and a history of the 
revolution ; together with supplements and corrections 
to the former volumes. I suppose all the United States 
will require 5 volumes ; Spanish America (whereof I 
have very valuable MS. accounts made by the govern- 
ors) may be comprised in 3 volumes ; the English colo- 
nies in 1 ; the French also in 1, and the Dutch, Danish, 
and Portuguese perhaps in 1 or 2. A general introduc- 
tion shall be prefixed to Spanish America. It is about 
20 years ago since I began to collect materials. 

Now I wish to persuade you, reverend sir, to bestow 
upon me that particular favour, to help me with your 
advice, especially in indicating to me those sources of in- 
formation, I was unacquainted with. I have inserted in 
the letter to Mr. Beers, inclosed for that purpose, a list 
of books I could make use of, as also of those whose ex- 
istence I was acquainted with but could not procure 
them, (in my book they are denoted with an asteriscus*.) 
You will be pleased to add such, if at leisure, as you find 
could be found in Connecticut, and may be useful for 
me. I wish to continue my correspondence with Mr. 
Beers for the future, and that he may send me if new 
36 vol. vin. 

274 professor ebeung's letter. 

works are published concerning the history and geogra- 
phy of the northern states, and I hope you will now and 
then be so kind as to indict to him such as you judge to 
be the most valuable, in case they should escape his 

I should be very happy if I could be serviceable to 
you in my country. Our literature is in a very flourish- 
ing state, whatever branch of science it may be. We 
are early acquainted with foreign literature and they are 
translated soon. Even American books (as Ramsay's 
History, Bartram's Travels, etc.) but a very great part is 
written in German. You will wonder when I tell you that 
in the electorate of Saxony, in two millions of people, 
there are 7u0 authors living, and that the whole number 
of German authors now living (according to a dictionary 
of them in 4 octavo volumes,) amounts to above 4000, 
(those excepted who write but pamphlets, sermons, etc.) 
The great fair at Leipsic (where also all booksellers 
meet) produced in the year 1792, more that 2227 new 
books, (so many are enumerated in its catalogue,) where- 
of 141 1 were entirely new productions, 468 continuations, 
194 new editions, and 154 translations (which is about 
two thirds of all the annual produce). Among them, 

Divinity, 360 books, one third being Sermons, (moral 
only 2!) 

Law, 129, mostly practical. 

Physick, 164, mostly therapeutical. 

Philosophy, 75, mostly speculative. 

Peedagogical, 151, the greatest part written for the lec- 
ture of youth. 

Political and military, 46. 

(Economical Sciences, 116. 

Natural Philosophy, especially chemical, 40. 

Mathematics, 53, — architectonical. 

Natural History, 83. 

Geography, 153. 

History, 181. 

* Isaac Beers, Esq. an eminent bookseller, to whose judgment and taste the litera- 
ture of our country is much indebted. lie died in 1813. jfltat. LXXI. Ed. 


Belles Lettres, 413, (including 164 novels and 66 
plays !) 

Ancient Literature, 98, amongst them 35 new editions 
of classics. 

History of Literature, 38. 

Miscellanies, 126. 

Such quantity may give a prejudice against quality ; but 
you will' consider that German books are printed from 
Petersburg down to Bern in Switzerland, and from the 
interior parts of Transylvania to Kopenhagen. There is 
much stuff amongst this enormous mass, but also a great 
deal of good books, mostly in German but also many in 
Latin, especially excellent editions of classical authors, 
and those even pretty cheap. Perhaps some of them 
may be required in your country, and shall be glad to 
procure you catalogues thereof. There are also printed 
the best English classical authors in prose, some Italian 
and many French poets and other French books. If any 
are wished for, I am entirely at your commands, and wish 
nothing more than to shew my gratitude for that kindness 
I beg of you. 

You will pardon this long letter. If permitted to have 
the honour of your correspondence 1 never shall be so 
troublesome again as at present, and never presume to 
encroach upon your time which is better employed in 
more important occupations, nor trouble you with fre- 
quent letters. 

I have the honour to be with very great respect, 
Reverend Sir, 
Your most obedient humble servant, 

Professor of History and Greek Language at 
the great College of this Town, as also se- 
cond Director of the Commercial Academy 
at Hamburgh. 



NOTE. Ed. 

Seven volumes of the Geography and History of Ame- 
rica have been published. 

Vol. I. treats 

III. - 

IV. - 

VI. - 

VII. - 

of New Hampshire and Massachusetts. 

936 pp. Hamburg. 1793. 

Rhode Island, Connecticut and New 

York. 1135 pp. 1794. 

N. York and N. Jersey. 692 pp. 1796. 
Pennsylvania. 920 pp. 1797. 

Delaware and Maryland. 806 pp. 1799. 
Pennsylvania.* 540 pp. 1803. 

Virginia. 825 pp. 1816. 

The original plan is uniformly pursued, and marked 
by sections in the body of the work ; but it is no where 
so readily seen, as in the Vllth volume. In this volume 
only, the pages have a distinct title for each of the twenty 
articles, mentioned in the author's plan. 

1. Grenzen und Groze. 
% Klima. 

3. Beschaffenheit des Bo- 


4. Gewasser. 

5. Erzeugnisse. a) Das 


6. b) Das Pflanzenreich. 

7. Landbau. 

8. c) Das Thierreich. 

9. Zahme Thiere und Vieh- 


10. Fische. 

11. Amphibien, Insekten 

und Gewurme. 

12. Einwohner. 

13. Regierung. 

14. Finanzwesen. 

15. Kriegswesen. 

16. Religionszustand. 

17. Schulanstalten und Ge- 


18. Handwerke und Man- 


19. Handel. 

20. Ortbeschreibung. 

* When the IVth volume was printed, fbe author had not seen Proud's History of 
Pennsylvania. We suppose it was the reception of this work, published in 1797, that 
induced him so soon to resume a subject which had occupied a preceding- volume. — Dr. 
Miller estimates the information of Prof. Ebeling ^respecting America, as " as by far the 
most accurate and full that was ever given to the public by an European." Retrospect. 
i. 352. 


Sketch of the Life and Character of Caleb Gan- 
nett, Esq. 

CALEB GANNETT was born at Bridgewatcr, in 
Massachusetts, ^2 August, 1745. At the age of four- 
teen years he entered Harvard College, and received his 
first degree at that seminary in 1763. Choosing the 
Christian ministry for his profession, he in 1767 began 
to preach, and in the month of June, the following year, 
went to Cumberland, in Nova Scotia. In August of the 
same year he received an invitation from the Associated 
Inhabitants of Amherst and Cumberland to settle in the 
ministry ; and returning to New England, was ordained 
to their pastoral care at Hingham on the 12th of Octo- 
ber.* The sermon at his ordination was preached by 
Rev. Dr. Gay of Hingham, a very respectable minister, 
with whom he had pursued his theological studies, and 
of whom he always spoke with reverence and esteem. 
The means of the society being inadequate to his sup- 
port, he relinquished his pastoral charge in 1771, and 
returned to New England. f Here he continued to preach 
until the year 1773, when he was chosen a tutor in the 
mathematical and philosophical department at Harvard 
College ; the duties of which office he performed till 
the year 1780. On the decease of the learned and able 
Professor Winthrop, Mr. Gannett, with James Winthrop, 
Esq. as an associate, at the request of the Corporation, 
delivered a series of lectures on experimental philoso- 
phy. For several years he was a fellow of the Corpo- 
ration. The office, to which most of the years of his 
public life were devoted, was that of steward of Har- 
vard College, upon which he entered in 1780, and in 
which he continued during the remainder of his life. 

He was not less distinguished by the vigour of his 
intellectual powers, than by the diligent and successful 
culture of them. His attainments in the abstruse scien- 
ces were eminent ; in general literature, respectable. To 

• See Note I. at the end of this article t See Note TI 


the solution of difficult and important questions, whether 
pertaining to science, to theology, to morals, or to com- 
mon life, he brought a mind acute and discriminating. 
Though not fluent, he had a rare talent for elucidat- 
ing the obscure, and disentangling the intricate. Truth 
was the great object of his researches and contemplations ; 
and while the moral principle inclined, the mental power 
enabled him, with great exactness, to distinguish the true 
from the false, the credible from the dubious, the ration- 
al from the absurd. 

By these intellectual and moral endowments he was 
admirably qualified for a counsellor ; and it is rare to find 
the man, whose judgment is consulted with so much 
deference, or relied on with equal confidence. 

Fixed in principle, he was stable in character. For 
purity of motive, and fidelity in action, he was alike dis- 
tinguished, In public and official duties, he approved 
himself by his rectitude and precision ; in domestic and 
social life, he endeared himself by kindly affections and 
benevolent offices. 

In projecting and accomplishing great and good de- 
signs he was active and persevering, but discreet and 
considerate. He whs one of the first projectors of the 
American Academy of Arts and Sciences ; of which he 
was several years the corresponding secretary, and after- 
wards a counsellor during his life. To the Academy he 
made several communications, which are published in its 
Memoirs.* He was early chosen a member of the Mas- 
sachusetts Historical Society. He was an original mem- 
ber of the Massachusetts Society for promoting Christian 
Knowledge ; and for many years performed the duties of 
its treasurer and of a director. He was treasurer of the 
First Parish in Cambridge thirty-six years ; and, for 
several of the last years of his life, treasurer of the Hop- 
kins' Trust. He was an accurate accountant; and the 
books of his office, as a k] ft ward and a treasurer, were 
kept in the most methodical wd exact order. The ar- 
rangements and regulations which he made in the stew- 

* See Note III. 


ard's office, upon his first entrance on its duties, were of 
great utility. His improvements were highly estimated 
by the Corporation at the time, and they have ever since 
been felt and acknowledged. He was one of the first 
and most active persons in forming the Cambridge Hu- 
mane Society, and the library of the First Church in 
Cambridge. In whatever sphere he acted, he left fair 
and strong impressions of intelligence and witsdom, of in- 
tegrity and faithfulness, of philanthropy and piety. 

Of religion he was an ornament ; of the church a pillar. 
His attendance on the Christian ministry and ordinances 
was devout and constant. His religious principles were 
strictly in accordance with those of the churches of New 
England and of the Protestant Reformation. Though 
disposed and accustomed to free inquiry, he alike disap- 
proved the subtilty of scholastic and the temerity of phi- 
losophizing theologians ; and for " the truth of God," 
though beyond the comprehension of man, he expressed 
the most profound reverence. Regarding religion less as 
a speculative theory, than as a vital principle, he estimat- 
ed it by its influence on the life. On his own, that influ- 
ence was uniformly visible. It was seen in his religious 
conversation with Christian friends, in his pious counsels 
to his children and domestics, in his family devotion, in 
his grateful reception of the blessings and patient endur- 
ance of the trials of life, in his resignation on the bed of 
sickness, and in the prospect of death. Having perform- 
ed well the duties assigned him in this world, and become 
prepared for the next, he made the transition as became 
a Christian, in the hope of a blessed immortality, on the 
25th of April, 1818, iEtat. LXXIII. 

We are gratified in having permission to subjoin the 
following very characteristic delineation, from the sermon 
of Rev. President Kirkland, delivered in the first church 
in Cambridge, the Lord's day after the interment of Mr. 

"These reflections" [on the parable, Luke xii. 35 — 
40.] " concern us, who lament the departure of an ex- 
cellent man, who was interesting and valuable by his 
character, his relations in life, and the manner of perform- 


ing his duty, public and private." In the offices of tu- 
tor and fellow of the Corporation, " he discharged 
his duty for seven years with singular fidelity and great 
success. He earned the sincere gratitude and respect of 
the students. We have often heard distinguished mem- 
bers of different classes which passed under his care, 
speak with emphasis of the pains he took to be useful, 
and the consciousness which they had of deriving solid 
benefit from his labours. For thirty eight years, he has 
been connected with the University in another situation, 
whilst he has not failed still to advance, in various ways, 
the interests of science and letters. You, the inhabi- 
tants of this place, have regarded him with esteem and 
confidence, as a member of the religious and civil com- 
munity, a magistrate and a neighbour, who by his coun- 
sels and services, and by his own edifying example, was 
a guide and a pillar. 

" He considered himself the servant of an absent Mas- 
ter. He encouraged himself in doing and suffering by 
the principles and hopes of religion. Although pressed 
with cares, he kept divine things before his mind. He 
did not sleep at his post, nor indulge in indolence or pre- 
sumption ; being remarkable for his solicitude to be in 
readiness for what was before him, relating to the duties 
of the man and the Christian. 

" His religion was serious and affectionate, without any 
morbid fanaticism, and leading to all the parts of Chris- 
tian practice. We recollect how he made conscience of 
every portion of his official cares, with what strict ad- 
herence to rule, with what punctuality and inflexible 
probity he conducted business. Whilst excelling in the 
estimable virtues, and conscientiously accurate in all his 
dealings, faithful in every trust, true to every promise, 
and disdaining to dissemble or prevaricate, he was not 
less marked for discretion and benevolence. He was 
enabled to show a becoming fortitude and self command 
in the trials through which he was called to pass. His 
friends have subjects of grateful and consoling reflection, 
amidst the tender regret they feel at his loss, when they 
consider, that he lived long and well ; that he gave satis- 


factory evidence of his sincerity in religion and in every 
part of conduct ; that he partook the good of life with 
cheerfulness, and met its adversities with an equal mind, 
and was useful and pleasant in all his intercourse with 
his fellow beings. When it pleased God to call him 
away, he was ready for the change, having been accus- 
tomed to keep all his affairs in order ; and we trust he 
was ready, by his Christian views and dispositions, to 
enter upon a nobler sphere of action in another tract of 
existence bevond the line of time." 


Ordination could not, at that time, be obtained in Nova 
Scotia. The first sermon preached in that province on 
such an occasion, was delivered at Halifax, 3 July, 1770, 
by Rev. John Seccomb, of Chester, at the ordination of 
Rev. Bruin Romcas Comingoe to the Dutch Calvinistic 
Presbyterian Congregation at Lunenburg. It is dedicat- 
ed to Malachi Salter, Esq. whose " zeal to advance the 
interests of religion in this infant colony" is gratefully 
acknowledged ; and particularly his " prudent and vigour- 
ous measures to obtain and establish a fund for the sup- 
port of such Dissenting Ministers in this Province, as 
stand in need of assistance." " Grateful acknowledg- 
ments" are also made " to those charitable persons in 
Boston, whose late bounty afforded them a very season- 
able relief." The sermon and the proceedings at this 
ordination are stated to be " the first efforts of the kind 
to promote the Protestant Dissenting Interest in this 


By copies of his letters written on this occasion, it ap- 
pears, that he solicited relief for the people of his charge, 
with the hope of returning to them ; but that nothing 
considerable was done, because it was concluded, the re- 
lief would be but temporary, and therefore ineffectual. 
The cause of their failure to fulfil their contract was the 
37 vol. vin. 


loss of their ministry lands, and consequent removals 
and divisions. The glebe, it appears, was wrested from 
the Dissenting Church by an Episcopal minister, who 
arrived at Cumberland in 1770. In June, 1771, Mr. 
Gannett wrote to M. Salter, Esq. the gentleman mention- 
ed in the preceding note, " My stay here, I believe, will 
be but short. The cry is, the Church, the Church ! A 
party spirit is raised and industriously fomented. My 
people are few, and several of them very poor ; and 
though they remain stedfast in their principles, yet di- 
vers are dissatisfied with their situation, and management 
of affairs, some have moved away ; others are going. 
E n's coming here has been our ruin." 

A full account of this affair, and of the ecclesiastical 
state of the province, was afterwards written by Mr. Gan- 
nett, at the request of Rev. Dr. Chauncy of Boston, who, 
it appears, was intending to publish it, with a view to 
a vindication of the Dissenters. His engagements, at 
the time, seem to have prevented the publication. It is 
a valuable historical document. An extract is subjoined. 

" By the proclamation which Governour Lawrence 
caused to be published, inviting settlers into Nova Scotia, 
people were encouraged with the noblest prospects. Be- 
sides a large interest in land, which they were to be put 
in immediate possession of, and all desirable civil liberties 
and immunities, all denominations of Protestants were 
to enjoy the exercise of religion according to their seve- 
ral tenets and modes, in a plenary manner. For, not- 
withstanding the General Assembly in 1758 passed an 
act, making Episcopacy the established religion of the 
province, yet all provision was made in the same act for 
Dissenters of all sects, that were consistent with a civil 
establishment. They were not only tolerated thereby, 
but all contracts made between them and their ministers 
rendered valid, and they excused from all taxes for the 
support of the established Church. In the grant of 
townships, a right of land was reserved in each for the 
first minister, without distinction, to be his property, and 
another right for a glebe or parsonage, each right contain- 
ing 500 acres. The Society for propagating the Gospel 


in Foreign Parts bestowed their charity upon the inhabi- 
tants, without discrimination, of several towns in the 
province, to enable them to support schools for the in- 
struction of their children. These things indicated so 
much impartiality with respect to Protestants of all pro- 
fessions that several hundred families, encouraged there- 
by, removed from New England into that province." 

After relating some cases of controversy between the 
Episcopal and Dissenting ministers, in which the rights of 
Dissenters were violated, particularly the case at Cumber- 
land, Mr. Gannett observes, " Hereby the law of the 
province respecting contracts between Dissenters and 
their ministers is frustrated. For these rights of land, 
reserved in the general grants of townships, and appro- 
priated to the first ministers, being supposed property, 
which the grantees of such townships might give as an 
encouragement to ministers to settle with them, and hav- 
ing been so used, it is plain, that a posterior grant from 
the Governour and Council, to the exclusion of a prior 
incumbent, so far at least invalidates the contract between 
the incumbent and inductors, or the minister and peo- 
ple." He had previously observed, that " all the inhabi- 
tants collectively are but barely able to support the gos- 
pel ; and the withdrawing of but a few utterly incapaci- 
tates them." He here adds : " Many of the people are 
discouraged. Several have left the province. Others 
are preparing for their departure ; and most of the rest 
are held only by their interest. Such measures being 
preventive of any new settlers coming to the place, those 
who are there cannot sell their possessions, therefore are 
unable to remove themselves and families elsewhere, and 
so remain disheartened. It has become impracticable for 
them under their reduced circumstances, to support their 
minister, and he has been obliged to ask a dismission 
from them." 

In a letter to Rev. Mr. Seccomb, dated Sept. 21, 1771, 
Mr. G. gives the same account of the cause of the diffi- 
culties at Cumberland, and writes : " I have requested a 
dismission from ray people which they have now under 
consideration." " Their number, though small at great- 
est, hath already been reduced almost half." 


To the people of his charge he wrote repeatedly ; giv- 
ing them truly pastoral counsel and solace. In a letter to 
them, dated at Boston, April 14, 1772, he writes : " By 
letters from Halifax, I am told, that the last account of 
Dr. Moore's collection was, that it amounted to /. 8000 
(the same mentioned before I left Cumberland) and that 
the doctor is expected in Halifax this month. Where- 
fore it cannot be supposed that the sum will be much in- 
creased. This collection is deposited in the publick 
funds, where it will yield about 3 per cent, per annum ; 
and only the interest is to be applied for the support of the 
dissenting interest. The whole, amounting to but I. 90 
will, upon a distribution to the several dissenting societies 
in the province, be very inconsiderable to each. I can- 
not learn that affairs at Cumberland are in a better situa- 
tion than when I left it, or that there is any prospect of 
their amendment. You appeared sensible of the im- 
practicability of our continuing together in the relation 
of pastor and people, unless the things I have mentioned, 
should have a quite different issue ; and therefore must 
readily perceive the impropriety of striving, when our 
efforts, instead of being crowned with success, will, in 
all human probability, increase our difficulties, and re- 
duce us to absolute distress. As I have exposed myself 
to peril, and endured fatigue to serve you, so would I 
still undergo hardships and submit to difficulty, if there 
was any likelihood that it would terminate in your real 
advantage. But as the probability vanishes upon delib- 
eration, and none of the conditions have been fulfilled, 
upon the fulfilment of which only I was to return to 
you ; and since those to whom I have represented your 
case and consulted, to advise against the farther continu- 
ance of our connexion as pastor and people, I therefore 
request that you would, according to agreement, send me 
a letter of dismission. It is matter of real sorrow to me, 
that this is the only apparent method left for propriety of 
conduct ; that the reasons render such a request, if not 
absolutely necessary, at least highly expedient. Sensible 
of the efforts you have made to procure the administra- 
tion of gospel ordinances among you, I doubt not it will 


be grievous to part with them ; and be assured, I cor- 
dially sympathize with you in the event. We ought to 
view it as a rebuke from the hand of Him, who is righte- 
ous in all his ways, and holy in all his works, who in 
his all-wise providence hath brought or permitted this to 
come upon us." After the most appropriate and excel- 
lent advice, he subscribes himself their " sympathizing 
friend and affectionate brother in our common Lord." 


Vol. I. Part 1st. Art. IX. Observations of a Solar 
Eclipse, Oct. 27, 1780, made at the University in Cam- 

Vol. I. Part 2d. Art. XIII. An Historical Register of 
the Aurora Borealis, from August 8th, 1781, to August 
19th, 1783. 

Vol. II. Part 1st. Art. XIV. An account of a curi- 
ous and singular appearance of the Aurora Borealis on 
the 27th of March, 1781. 

Memoir of Hon. William Tudor. 

W HILE the present volume was in the press, one of 
the first founders of the Historical Society has passed 
from the list of the living, to that of our deceased, asso- 
ciates. In conformity to the practice of the Society, the 
following brief sketches of his life and character are pre- 

William Tudor, Esquire, was born in Boston, the 
28th of March, 1750, old style, and died July 8th, 1819. 
He married, March 5, 1778, Miss Delia Jarvis, and had 
eight children, of whom three sons and two daughters* 
survive their father. .The family came from England. 
His grandfather died young in Devonshire, leaving an 
only son, John, born in 1709; his widow came from 
England with that child, at the age of six years, to Bos- 

* The eldest married Robert Hallowell Gardiner, Esq. of Gardiner, Maine ; the 
youngest Commodore Charles Stewart of the Navy of the U. S. 


ton, in 1714. John Tudor died at the age of eighty-six, 
leaving but one son, William, the subject of this article ; 
his other sons died early. * 

William Tudor was fitted for college at the grammar 
school in Boston under Master Lovell, and entered Har- 
vard University, in his sixteenth year. He received a 
bachelor's degree in 1769. His reputation as a scholar, 
was high : he excelled in the classics ; he had an English 
conference on receiving his first degree, and delivered 
the Latin valedictory oration when the class received the 
second degree. The late Chief Justice Parsons, was one 
of his classmates, and chum, and a sincere friendship con- 
tinued between them through life. 

On leaving the University, he chose the profession of 
the law, and entered the office of Mr. Adams, since 
President of the United States, at that time the greatest 
lawyer in the province ; and among the most eminent of 
those, who guided publick opinion at that portentous pe- 
riod. He remained three years in this office, and under 
such patronage naturally acquired those political senti- 
ments, and whig principles of patriotism, which he never 
afterwards forsook. He was diligent in his studies, and 
attentive to the duties of his office ; his mind in this situ- 
ation was not confined to the routine of business in a 
lawyer's office ; but frequently excited by reflections and 
discussions on those important principles, which were 
then daily preparing the revolution. 

He was in the habit of corresponding with his friend 
Parsons, while pursuing his law studies. The following 
is a copy of a letter written at that time ; it bears the 
marks indeed of being the production of a young man, 
but it is here copied, as it furnishes a key to his charac- 
ter, with which his whole life was consistent. If he who 
was at heart so warm a patriot, could at the age of twenty- 
three, amid the shocks of those convulsive jarrings, ob- 
ject to the violence of his own side, it is not wonderful 
that, at a later period of life and in an era of minor inter- 
ests, he should possess that moderation in his political 

* He had three daughters, only one of whom left any descendants. Elizabeth 
Tudor married H. Savage, Esq. a "merchant of Boston, and left a numerous family. — 
one of whom, James Savage, Esq. is a member of this Society. 


conduct, which, amid the strife of parties, always dis- 
tinguished him. 

Boston, May 7th, 1773. 
"Dear Parsons, 

Politicks (I mean by that term the civil constitution 
of a country) and law are so interwoven, that a study of 
the last necessarily leads us to an acquaintance with the 
principles of the other ; which joined to my situation in 
Queen Street,* the centre of patriotic disquisition and 
political inquiry, might easily induce you to form the 
conclusion you made for my not writing. Perhaps you 
may be surprised when I tell you that, with the best op- 
portunities and a hundred stimulus's to write, I have 
never tired the readers of a newspaper with a single 
scribbleation. I feel the want of abilities to be distin- 
guishably serviceable in that way to my country ; indeed, 
absque hoc, my indolence of disposition will always pre- 
vent my engaging in the scribbling contest. The subject 
has been so amply discussed as to preclude any thing 
new ; and however necessary it may be, to rouse the 
spirits of Liberty's drooping votaries, that the argument 
should often be recapitulated, I should not be fond of be- 
ing the dull repeater. 

" In this town the noble cause is made too much a par- 
ty matter, whilst our patriotic declaimers are so illiberal 
as to deny any man, who dissents from their measures, 
either common sense or honesty. The cause of freedom 
is the cause of the whole community, and every man, 
who is one remove from idiotism, must be at heart a 
friend to it. Would our sons of Liberty adopt senti- 
ments generous as their professed object of pursuit, they 
would find fewer opposers than they now meet. " The 
spirit of liberty," says Voltaire, " is quite independent of 
the form of government ; 'tis the delicious fruit of phi- 
losophy. The real philosopher is satisfied in all moderate 
governments — he knows that there is not, that there can- 
not be any so well constituted, as to be totally free from 
fault or inconveniency." We have many people, and 
substantial ones too, who think these sentiments not un- 

* Now Court Street. 


reasonable, and though they might be convinced, if coolly 
and candidly argued with, that such sentiments were im- 
properly espoused by an American at this day, yet they 
will not renounce them on the attack of ridicule and abuse, 
the common method now practised. 

" The important question of independency was ably 
discussed by the governour and the two Houses of As- 
sembly. Whilst we regret that despotism has such an 
advocate as his ^Excellency, we must allow him the 
credit of great abilities. Learned, subtle, ambitious, and 
fond of domination, he will be instrumental, should his 
administration be long, of more essential injuries to this 
country, than all the governours it has been ever cursed 

" General Brattle's publication alone would not have 
provoked Mr. Adams to a reply. It was in consequence 
of his advancing the opinion, which he afterwards pub- 
lished, and challenging by name Messrs. Otis, Adams 
and Qiiincy to refute it. Unluckily for him the chal- 
lenge was accepted, and the world informed the general 
was mistaken. I cannot give you the names you ask for. 
It was generally thought at the time Mr. Adams had in 
view a resolve of the Council, on a letter under the sig- 
nature of Junius Americanus, that contained a severe 
charge against the lieutenant governour. But in that case 
the majority was six. Mr. Adams has since assured me 
he did not mean in that instance, but has declined telling 
me in what. 

" Boston has chosen the same representatives as last 
year, and it is thought there will be very little change in 
the next, from the old house. Gray and Brattle if not 
two or three others, it is supposed, will be left out of the 

" The more my acquaintance with the world enlarges, 
the more disgusted I grow with the noisy intercourse. 
What I now, and perhaps always really shall want, I en- 
deavour to supply by imagination, and sometimes fancy 
myself happy in an acquaintance with a chosen group of 
people, sensible, generous and clever, with easy fortunes 

* Governour Hutchinson. 


and independent souls, who should possess philanthropy 
enough to be citizens of the world, and who with St 
Evremond could love virtue without austerity, pleasure 
without effeminacy, and life without a fear of its end. 
Situated in some cheerful spot, encircled by such a set of 
friends, cares would be strangers, and every hour arrive 
fraught with enjoyment. — Was you by, if you did not 
laugh at me, you might at least very justly ask, what pe- 
culiar merit I had to entitle me to such pleasures ? But 
twenty-three, and talk of being tired of the world ! ridicu- 
lous ! Throw aside sentiments unsuited to your age, and 
learn to strike out enjoyment from every thing. Reason 
justifies your advice, and judgment whispers act accord- 

" It is probable you will see one of our friends next 
month at Falmouth ; as he has lost none of the valuable 
qualities, which originally secured your esteem, the pleas- 
ure of meeting will doubtless be reciprocal. 

" My half sheet allows me only room to assure you 
that I am sincerely yours, W. TUDOR." 

Mr. Theoph. Parsons. 

Among some papers of this same date is a character 
he drew of Parsons, in the manner of Theophrastus and 
La Bruyere. It was an amusement at that time with 
some young men to write characters. This was written 
in 1774, and it may be interesting to read this juvenile 
prediction of the future eminence of that great lawyer, 
and excellent man. 

" Nature, when she made Crysander, was unkind in 
point of externals. But though she left him defective in 
the trappings of person, that deficiency was amply com- 
pensated by the bestowment of ten thousand amiable and 
valuable qualities. 

" To a vivacity of fancy and promptitude of invention, 
she joined a penetrating genius and a spirit of investiga- 
tion that pervaded her deepest recesses. With an indus- 
try that difficulties invigorated, and a sagacity that noth- 
ing could elude, it is not to be thought strange that he 
soon became familiar with the whole circle of the sciences. 
38 vol. viii. 


Though mathematics, logic and metaphysicks gave em- 
ployment to his abstruser hours, the happy turn of his 
mind led him to an acquaintance with, and the justness 
of his taste pointed out the beauties of the belles lettres. 
Thus whilst he, one hour, laboriously traced the clue that 
conducted him to a demonstration of Euclid, abstractedly 
meditated with Locke, or trod the planetary rounds with 
Newton and Halley ; he pould, the next, feel, and feeling 
admire, the nervous diction, attic wit, noble sentiments 
and classic elegance, that illume the immortal writings of 
a Bolingbroke, Pope, Hume or Robertson. 

" He is emulous of applause, yet superior to envy. 
His honesty is without severity, his benevolence without 
weakness, and his frankness without rusticity. As his 
friendships are built on these principles, they are few, but 
they are ardent and sincere. 

" If great abilities, united to extensive erudition, are 
the steps to advancement and the road to fame : if the 
purest philanthropy can excite esteem and secure affec- 
tion — 'tis impossible Crysander should continue obscure, 
or ever be friendless." 

His conduct in the office procured him the esteem and 
confidence of Mr. Adams, which continued through a 
period of fifty years. A very early proof of this friend- 
ship was shewn in a letter which he wrote to his pupil's 
father. Mr. Tudor had opened an office at a period of 
great gloom and discouragement. His mind was de- 
pressed by the prospect before him. His father was 
wealthy, and this was his only son ; but he was of that 
class of parents, who believe their children will succeed 
best without their assistance, and who prefer to leave 
them a large sum at their death, than to see them enjoy- 
ing a moderate one during their lives. Mr. Adams wrote 
a letter on this occasion to the father, full of good feeling 
and sound argument. A copy of it is subjoined, both as 
a testimony to Mr. Tudor's early character, and on ac- 
count of its useful application in a general way. 


" Braintree, July 23, 1774. 
u Dear Sir, 

You will be surprised I believe to receive a letter from 
me, upon a matter which I have so little right to inter- 
meddle with as the subject of this. I am sensible it is a 
subject of very great delicacy : but as it is of equal im- 
portance to your own happiness and that of your only 
son, I hope and believe you will receive it, as it is really 
meant, as an expression of my friendship both to yourself 
and him, without any other view or motive whatever. 

Your son has never said a word to me, but from what 
I have accidentally heard from others, I have reason to 
believe that he is worried and uneasy in his mind. This 
discontent is in danger of producing very disagreeable 
effects, as it must interrupt his happiness, and as it may, 
and probably will, if not removed, injure his health, and, 
by discouraging his mind and depressing his spirits, dis- 
incline him to, or disqualify him for his studies and busi- 

I believe, sir, you are not so sensible as I am, of the 
difficulty of a young gentleman's getting into much busi- 
ness in the practice of the law. It must, in the best of 
times and for the most promising genius, be a work of 

The present situation of public affairs is such as has 
rendered this difficulty tenfold greater than ever. The 
grant from the crown of salaries to the judges, the pro- 
ceedings of the two Houses of Assembly in relation to it, 
and the general discontent throughout all the counties of 
the province, among jurors and others concerning it, had 
well nigh ruined the business of all the lawyers in the 
government, before the news of the three late acts of Par- 
liament arrived. These acts have put an end to all the 
business of the law in Boston. The Port Act of itself 
has done much towards this, but the other two acts have 
spread throughout the province such an apprehension 
that there will be no business for courts for some time 
to come, that our business is at present in a manner at an 


In this state of things I am sure it is impossible that 
your son's income should be adequate to his necessary 
expenses, however frugal he may be, and I have heard 
that he complains that it is not. 

The expenses for the rent of his office, for his board, 
and washing, must come to a considerable sum annually, 
without accounting a farthing for other transient charges, 
which a young gentleman of the most sober and virtuous 
character can no more avoid, than he can those for his 
bed and board. So that it is absolutely impossible but 
that he must run behindhand and be obliged to run in 
debt for necessaries, unless he is either assisted by his 
father, or leaves the town of Boston and betakes himself 
to some distant place in the country, where, if his business 
should not be more, his expenses would be vastly less. 

I am well aware of the follies and vices so fashionable 
among many of the young gentlemen of our age and 
country, and if your son was infected with them, I would 
never have -become an advocate for him, without his 
knowledge, as I now am, with his father. I should think 
the more he was restrained the better. But I know him 
to have a clear head and an honest, faithful heart. He is 
virtuous, sober, steady, industrious, and constant to his 
office. He is as frugal as he can be in his rank and class 
of life, without being mean. 

It is your peculiar felicity to have a son whose beha- 
viour and character are thus deserving. 

Now there can be nothing in this life so exquisitely 
painful, to such a mind so humiliating, so mortifying, as 
to be distrusted by his father — as to be obliged to bor- 
row of strangers, or to run in debt and lie at mercy. 

A small donation of real or personal estate, made to 
him now, would probably be of more service to him, than 
ten times that sum ten years hence. It would give him 
a small income that he could depend upon — it would 
give him weight and reputation in the world — it would 
assist him greatly in getting into business. 

1 am under concern lest the anxiety he now struggles 
with should prove fatal to him. I have written this with- 
out his knowledge and I don't propose ever to acquaint 


him with it. If you please you may burn this ; only I 
must entreat that you believe it to flow only from real 
concern for a young gentleman whom I greatly esteem. 
I am your friend and humble servant, 

To John Tudor, Esq. Cambridge. 

The lowering aspect of the times discouraged all hopes 
of peaceable employment, and turned the thoughts of 
men incessantly to the course they should take in the 
crisis that was approaching. After Congress had voted 
to raise an army, and appointed the first generals, Mr. 
Tudor was elected, July 29, 1775, to the office of Judge 
Advocate General, and he was attached to the staff of the 
Commander in Chief, and generally continued near him 
during the whole period of his service. This depart- 
ment, like every other, was to be organized amidst all the 
confusion attendant upon new levies, unsettled authority, 
and ill defined jurisdiction of the individual States, and 
the Continental Congress. The army was composed of 
discordant and untried materials. There was in general 
no want of bravery and patriotism, but an almost total 
deficiency of discipline ; and the absence of this was in no 
degree supplied by any deference from unfounded pre- 
tension to true courage and skill, the possessors of which 
had not yet been favoured with an opportunity of distin- 
guishing themselves. In bringing together an army 
raised at once, without preparation, most of the officers 
were placed in commands of the same nominal rank 
which they had held during peace in the militia. If some 
of these inexperienced men were inadequate to their sta- 
tion, they could not be severely blamed for failure on a 
first trial. Policy as well as justice dictated that indul- 
gence should be shewn to the errors and failings of those, 
who were suddenly placed in new and dangerous situa- 
tions, impelled by patriotic motives to risk themselves 
with a cause, whose issue was uncertain. All these con- 
siderations rendered it difficult to establish that discipline 
which was of the most urgent importance. The business 


of the Judge Advocate was arduous and incessant in this 
state of incipient organization. 

Though the sword was first drawn at Lexington, the 
scabbard was not thrown away till the battle of Bunker 
Hill. After that ever memorable engagement, which 
put an end to all hope from peaceable remonstrances, and 
left England and her Colonies at open war, the British 
were confined to the limits of Boston. As soon as Gen- 
eral Washington reached the army, the blockade com- 
menced with greater rigour, and was kept up by gradually 
completing a circuit of posts from the heights of Charles- 
town to those of Dorchester. The American army was 
at that time too destitute of all the munitions of war, to 
carry on an active siege, before the month of March, 
1776, when their batteries began to play on the town ; 
and the British army finding it no longer tenable, their 
evacuation prevented its destruction. For a space of 
nearly two years the inhabitants had been exposed to in- 
numerable vexations and sufferings. It was a state of 
things that united the calamities of civil and foreign war. 
Families were separated and exposed to constant solici- 
tude and alarm. Though in full sight, intelligence of 
each other's situation could rarely be obtained. Those 
who were inclosed within the town, and had their friends 
in the American camp, often heard them reviled by an 
arrogant army, and those who sided with it ; while they 
who were besieging the town, knew that the blockade 
subjected their dearest friends to severe sufferings and 
privations. There was little danger indeed from the bat- 
teries, for no regular bombardment took place, but the 
wants consequent on a blockade were heavily felt. 

Mr. Tudor was by these hostilities separated from the 
lady to whom his affections were engaged, and whom he 
afterwards married. For the benefit of a better air she 
resided for some time, on Noddles Island in the family 
of Mr. Williams. One of his boyish acquisitions was 
now of use to him ; he was in his youth an excellent 
swimmer. When a boy, being on a visit on board of an 
English ship of the line in the harbour, the conversation 
turned upon swimming : and he proposed to jump from 


the taffril rail over the stern, which in ships of the old 
model was a considerable height, if any one would do the 
same. A sailor offered himself — the boy took the leap, 
but the man was afraid to follow. He now profited by a 
knowledge of this art. To have attempted visiting the 
island in a boat, would have exposed him to certain cap- 
ture by the enemy ; but, tying his clothes in a bundle on 
his head, he used to swim from the opposite shore of 
Chelsea to the island, make his visit, and return to the 
continent in the same manner. 

After the evacuation of Boston by the English army, 
he went with our army to New York, where he resided 
till that was evacuated and then continued with head 
quarters in the Jerseys. The business of his office was 
incessant ; among all the trials at which he officiated, 
there was none, that excited more interest than that of 
Colonel Henley, which took place at Cambridge in Jan- 
uary, 1778. After the capture of General Burgoyne, he 
and his army were transferred to Cambridge. Colonel 
David Henley commanded the garrison, that had the care 
of guarding the prisoners. This garrison was composed 
of militia, and the mortification of these turbulent priso- 
ners continually vented itself by insulting their undisci- 
plined guards. The outrages had proceeded so far, that 
great energy was requisite to suppress them. Colonel 
Henley was a brave, but passionate, impetuous man, and 
one day after receiving the most excessive provocation 
from an English corporal, and repeatedly ordering the 
man to be silent in vain, he seized a musket and pricked 
him slightly with the bayonet. General Burgoyne ac- 
cused him " of the most indecent, violent, vindictive 
severity against unarmed men, and of intentional mur- 
der." A court martial was ordered, and general Bur- 
goyne was permitted to support the charge as a prose- 

Henley was a brave officer, but no orator. General 
Burgoyne was an able parliamentary speaker, as well as 
a man of literature and a military commander. He wished 
to obtain from this trial some credit, that might render 
him popular with the army, and help him in the unfortu- 


nate predicament in which the capture of that army had 
placed him at home. He exerted all his talents as a 
speaker on this occasion, and they were by no means in- 
considerable , and he affected to consider that " a general 
massacre of the troops under his command was apparent- 
ly threatened." Colonel Henley was acquitted. An edi- 
tion of this trial was printed in Boston, and another in 
England ; the latter was much garbled ; General Bur^ 
goyne's speeches were very much revised, and those of 
the Judge Advocate very imperfectly reported. The 
following are two paragraphs taken from the concluding 
speech of the latter : 

" It has been said that Reeve's" (the man wounded by 
Colonel Henley,) " behaviour was only firm, not insolent. 
British firmness often so nearly approaches insolence, that 
Europeans as well as Americans have been very apt to 
confound them. The Court will recollect the pains taken, 
in one or two instances during this trial, to get from the 
British witnesses their idea of insolence. They all affected 
to think it impossible a Briton could look insolent. It 
was, they said, only looking up. But this os sublime, 
this erect countenance which they boast of, leads them to 
looking down upon the rest of the world, though not 
always with impunity. Britain is feared because she is 
powerful. What pity it is that a nation cannot be just 
as well as gallant. Less pride had prevented the dis- 
memberment of her empire, had saved the blood of thou- 
sands : and real magnanimity had, ere this, arrested the 
hand of destruction from the heads of men, whose great- 
est fault (once the glorious fault of Britons !) is the love 
of freedom." 

In the following passage the allusion to Miss McCrea, 
brought tears into the eyes of General Burgoyne : 

" But, says General Burgoyne, Colonel Henley's con- 
duct had a great effect on his guards : he was known to 
be no friend of the British soldiers ; he had himself 
wounded one, and been violent in his menaces against 
them all ; he thus influenced his soldiers to stab and 
murder whom they pleased, if they belonged to the Brit- 
ish army ; and ought therefore to be considered as an 


accomplice in every outrage which took place. If this 
reasoning is conclusive, by the same logic the General 
himself is an accessary to all the murders perpetrated by 
the ferocious bipeds, the savages, who accompanied and 
disgraced his army last summer. Ought it to be said 
that, because these black attendants knew that General 
Burgoyne did not love Americans, that therefore he would 
be pleased at the butchery of the nerveless old man, de- 
fenceless female, and infant prattler ? — because he hated 
i rebels,' he therefore influenced the Indians to massacre 
that young unfortunate, the inoffending and wretched 
Miss McCrea!" 

A day or two after this trial, the Judge Advocate and 
Col. Henley met at Roxbury in making a visit to a fam- 
ily, where a lady resided to whom Col. H. was paying 
his addresses. He fancied himself coldly received, and 
was in rather a melancholy humour as they rode into 
town together. In coming over the neck, he abruptly 
said to his companion ; " Col. Tudor, I will thank you to 
shoot me ! — Why, what is the matter now ? — You have 
ruined me. — I thought I had rendered you some service 
in the trial. — You said I was a man of a passionate, im- 
petuous temper ; this has destroyed me in the estimation 
of the woman I love; you see she received me coldly. 
You have destroyed my happiness. You may now do me 
a favour to shoot me." — Mr. T. was vexed for a mo- 
ment at this sort of return for the services he had ren- 
dered. But these feelings were transient on both sides ; 
they continued friends, and Col. Henley married the lady 
he loved. 

After having served nearly three years, at the most 
gloomy and discouraging period of the revolution, he 
resigned his office and retired with the brevet of Colonel. 
Those who served their country then, served it gratis, 
except so far as deriving a bare subsistence. He had 
long sighed for the pleasures of domestic life, and think- 
ing he had performed his tour of duty, he now resigned to 
take up his profession, that he might support a family. 
After retiring from the army, he followed the business of 
the law ; taking an interest of course in such objects of 

39 VOL. VIII. 


general concern, as from time to time arise to occupy 
public spirited minds in a free country. Among these 
may be mentioned the "Warden Act" in 1782. The 
ludicrous, insupportable tyranny of this odious measure, 
was then exerted for the last time. He was one of its 
strenuous opposers, and wrote some articles in the 
Chronicle against it, under the signature of Crito. In 
1791, he was one of the active movers for the establish- 
ment of a theatre, and, being then in the legislature, was 
very instrumental in procuring the repeal of the law 
against theatrical amusements. A number of documents 
relating to this business are among his papers, and from 
them an authentic account of an event of some interest in 
the annals of the town may be hereafter prepared. 

In 1796 his father and mother died at an advanced pe- 
riod of life, the former being 86, and the latter 81 years 
of age. By the death of his father he inherited a con- 
siderable estate, that enabled him to renounce the prac- 
tice of his profession, to which he had never been very 
strongly attached. Among the gentlemen who read the 
law in his office may be enumerated, the late Judge Mi- 
not, Fisher Ames, the present Chief Justice Parker, and 
the Hon. J. Quincy. Our resources for pursuing the 
study of this profession have been very inadequate ; the 
establishment of a law school in the University at Cam- 
bridge, will hereafter give students an opportunity of ob- 
taining more liberal and profound learning in this im- 
portant profession. Though little credit could be assumed 
from the reputation of men, to whose studies so little as- 
sistance could be given, in the common routine of a law- 
yer's office ; yet a generous satisfaction was felt, from 
this connexion with gentlemen who afterwards were so 

After the settlement of his father's estate, he resolved 
on a visit to Europe, which he had long and ardently 
wished to make. He went from Boston to London : 
after passing a few weeks there, he took a journey into 
Devonshire, and after returning to London went over to 
France. He passed a few weeks in Paris when the re- 
collection of the early revolutionary atrocities was still re- 


cent. Mr. Monroe, now President of the United States, 
was at that time our ambassador in France, and was re- 
called whilst Mr. Tudor was there. An affectionate address 
was presented to him by his countrymen, thanking him 
for his services, and censuring his recall. There was 
doubtless some indiscretion in censuring a public step 
of the government ; for which Mr. Tudor had to bear a 
proportionate share of the blame. The address however 
was made in the warmth of the moment, and from grate- 
ful feelings towards the minister, not only for his cour- 
teous, open hospitality, but from the constant and efficient 
protection he afforded to his countrymen in that period of 
turbulence and danger, when they were often subjected 
to arbitrary arrests and extreme injustice. 

From Paris he passed through Flanders and Holland, 
all the principal places of which he saw with attention, 
and then returned to England. After he arrived in Lon- 
don, he was presented at court, by our ambassador, Mr. 
King. On the mention of his name, the king smiled and 
observed in his rapid manner, " Tudor ! — what, one of 
us ?" Having been told that he had just come from 
France, he eagerly made man} 7 inquiries respecting the 
state of that country, the situation of Paris, and the opin- 
ions of the inhabitants. These court presentations are 
generally a matter of mere form ; but foreigners intro- 
duced by their ambassadors are received apart by the 
king, and before the subjects of the country. The king's 
curiosity continued the interview so long, that Lord Gal- 
loway, the lord in waiting, who had a great deal of duty 
to perform, grew impatient and said, " His Majesty 
seems to be so deeply engaged with his cousin, that he 
forgets what a number of persons are in waiting to be 
presented." The king in this audience exhibited all the 
courtesy, and inquisitive good sense, which have always 
distinguished him. 

He soon after left London on an extensive tour through 
England, Ireland and Scotland, in which he visited al- 
most every county, and saw all the remarkable objects. 
No man was more alive to the beauties of nature, and he 
would forego no pains to behold a beautiful or extensive 


prospect. He was never tired of looking at picturesque 
scenery, and often dwelt with delight on what he saw in 
these countries, which present so much of it to the travel- 
ler's eye. The charming landscape of England, where 
cultivation and taste have developed so many beauties, 
the mountain scenery and venerable ruins in Wales, the 
Bay of Dublin, the Lake of Killarney, the Giant's Cause- 
way in Ireland, the view of Edinburgh, and the highland 
scenery of Scotland, were objects that made a lasting im- 
pression on his mind. He made this tour under every 
advantage and with great satisfaction. The powerful 
talents, high-minded views, substantial courtesy and dig- 
nified manners of Mr, King, gave him great consideration 
in England; and this was always liberally employed in 
the service of his countrymen. He procured for Mr. 
Tudor, from the Duke of Portland, at that time in the 
ministry, letters of introduction to the lord lieutenant at 
Dublin, and to the commanders in chief of the army 
and navy in Ireland and Scotland. One of these letters 
to Lord Adam Gordon, commanding the forces of Scot- 
land, remains among his papers, his lordship being absent 
at the time he visited Edinburgh. 

After another visit to London, he embarked for Boston. 
On the passage an incident happened, which shews that 
kind actions are sometimes practised between those, who 
at other times quarrel. The ship in which he was passen- 
ger was chased by an English frigate, which was so dis- 
guised that she was taken for a privateer, and preparations 
were made for ill treatment. He told his servant to go 
below and bring him his purse, that he might secure it 
about him in case of need. The young man in his haste, 
fell headforemost down the companion way ; he was taken 
up senseless, and his situation gave them some alarm. 
After the frigate had hailed and inquired who they were, 
this circumstance was mentioned. They said, the ser- 
geon should be sent immediately, though it was a dark 
evening and blowing fresh ; he came on board, dressed 
the patient, left directions what should be done in future, 
and could not be prevailed upon to receive any pecuniary 
acknowledgment for his visit. 


He went to Europe a second time in 1807, accompa- 
nied by his wife and youngest daughter, and was after- 
wards joined in Paris by one of his sons. They went by 
the way of Bordeaux to Paris. This city then presented 
a different aspect from the one in which he had formerly 
seen it. The enthusiasm of the early days of the repub- 
lic, and the proscription of rank and splendour, were now 
succeeded by the energy of Napoleon's autocrasy, and 
the ostentation of the imperial court. Most of the emi- 
grants had been restored, and many of them were in 
place. He had now an opportunity of renewing an in- 
tercourse with several individuals, with whom he had been 
intimate during the American revolution. General La 
Fayette, who resided in retirement in the country ; the 
Count de Segur, Senator and Grand Master of Ceremo- 
nies, one of the most accomplished courtiers of the old 
regime, and whose talents were essential in organizing 
the new court; and several others. Among these was 
the Marquis de C, who had been his guest in lioston for 
several weeks, and who exhibited one of those transforma- 
tions, which the revolution effected in so many French- 
men. Deprived of a splendid rank and fortune by that 
event, he had passed twelve or thirteen years in exile 
and poverty ; during this period he had recourse to some 
patented inventions for a support. On his return to 
France he unexpectedly recovered a portion of his pro- 
perty, which he immediately invested in this kind of pur- 
suits. When in this country he was one of the gayest 
and most heedless of the young French officers ; and was 
now eagerly engaged in various practical improvements, 
among others introducing the English style of stage 
coaches ; unwilling to have any connection with the new- 
court, but busying himself with wheels, pullies and 

The emperor was at this period absent in his Prussian 
campaign, and society, under an appearance of outward 
splendour, was in reality in a state of constraint, anxiety 
and misery. Nothing could be more dull and formal 
than the fashionable parties. The new noblesse were not 
yet blended with the old, the polish and ease of former 
manners had been destroyed, and the forms of society 


were to be restored through a process of formality and 
reserve. The tyranny of the government suppress- 
ed all free expression of opinion, and the absence of all 
the young and middle aged men of France in the army, 
filled every house with sadness and gloom. Napoleon 
was watchful that all the persons in place about the court, 
should expend all they received in contributing to its 
splendour. This answered two purposes ; it presented 
a dazzling exterior, which might be mistaken for gran- 
deur, and it kept those about him in a constant state of 
dependence. He intended that his court should possess 
more attractions than any dther in Europe, and it was in 
most respects on a different footing. A chief object with 
every government in France always has been to amuse 
and govern opinion in Paris. At this time, the empress 
had it in charge to amuse the courtiers. She gave enter- 
tainments at the palace, which were called cercles ; the 
first singers and actors were employed to perform a few 
select pieces, on these evenings, and a light, but most 
exquisite supper was given to the guests. After Mr. 
Tudor and the ladies of his family had been presented, 
they were invited several times to these cercles, and also 
to similar entertainments from the other branches of the 
imperial family. A trifling circumstance will here show 
how minute the French are in their attentions. In the 
absence of Napoleon, gentlemen were presented to 
Cambaceres, and afterwards invited to his table. From 
very abstemious and simple habits in early life, he be- 
came one of the most luxurious and ostentatious of the 
imperial court. He was remarkable for the expense and 
excellence of his table. Mr. Tudor was invited to dine 
with him, and as he did not speak French, though he un- 
derstood-it, a gentleman was placed by him who spoke 
English perfectly. In the course of the dinner he was 
offered a piece of plum pudding, which he declined, 
but was told that it had been prepared purposely for him, 
thinking it was a national dish — of course he could not 
refuse to take a piece. Though he was fonder of the 
simple dishes of his own country than the costly and 
scientific preparations of French cookery, he was always 


willing to admit, that this dinner of the arch chancellor 
could not be surpassed. After passing a year in France, 
he returned home by the way of Rochelle and New York. 

He was a public spirited man in his feelings, and while 
it was in his power was always ready to take a share in 
any undertaking of general utility. He was one of the 
original subscribers to Charles River Bridge, the Mid- 
dlesex Canal, and many similar objects. Soon after his 
return from Europe, the first time, he was much struck 
with the position of the land at Dorchester Point, since 
called South Boston, and that it would be productive of 
great public, as well as individual advantage to connect 
this land with the town. He bought the part nearest to 
Boston, called Nook Hill ; his views at first did not ex- 
tend further ; several gentlemen however joined with 
him, made additional purchases, and went to very great 
expense in levelling ground, building sea walls, &c. This 
was entered into, with the expectation, that a bridge 
would be built, to connect it with the centre of the town. 
The gentlemen who held property at the southerly part 
of the town, thought this bridge would be injurious to 
their interest ; and though many doubted whether this 
opinion was well founded, at least in any degree equal to 
their belief, their opposition was so efficient, that after 
one of the most animated and obstinate struggles ever, 
carried on in Boston, the contemplated bridge was pre- 
vented, and all the original views in the undertaking were 
thwarted. The great expenditures incurred on this pro- 
perty, and various disappointments for a series of years, 
produced great embarrassments to him, and finally in- 
volved and caused the loss of his whole property. 

This calamity was a severe one ; those persons who 
knew his generous disposition, were aware that it must 
be deeply felt, but his most intimate friends rarely heard 
him complain of this reverse of fortune. He bore it 
with cheerfulness and magnanimity. While in posses- 
sion of wealth, no man was more ready to lend assistance 
to his friends, or to aid any object of charity ; and when 
deprived of it, he had the satisfaction of knowing that no 


others were involved in his misfortunes, that no man suf- 
fered any loss from him. 

He was blessed with a healthy constitution, and but 
once or twice in his life was affected with any illness, but 
he met with two serious accidents in the fracture of his 
limbs. The first was in the year 1791, in mounting a 
very restive horse ; the animal started, kicked him in the 
leg and broke it. The fracture was a compound one and 
the flesh bruised ; the weather was very hot, and the 
late Col. Bradford, who sat by him that night, thought 
that he would be unable to obtain any rest without the 
aid of opium ; but to his surprise, he slept as soundly and 
quietly, as if no accident had happened, without taking any 
opiate whatever. It was very fortunate for him that he 
could, under almost any circumstances, compose himself 
to sleep, and the pain, mental or physical, must have been 
very acute, that should have deprived him of his rest. In 
1816 he met with a more severe accident in its conse- 
quences, by breaking his knee-pan, which happened from 
a fall in walking over some ice in the evening. This 
misfortune left him lame, and prevented his walking to 
any distance. The privations it occasioned were great, 
for he was fond of exercise, and of taking long walks. 
He said that it would shorten his life five years ; and 
doubtless the effort and difficulty of walking wore upon 
his constitution : but he bore this misfortune with the 
same philosophy that he did others, and seldom complain- 
ed of an evil that occasioned daily and almost hourly in- 

Whenever the subject of dying was brought into con- 
versation, he always expressed a wish that his death might 
be sudden. In this he was gratified. He had been 
troubled with a slight indisposition for three or four days, 
which however did not prevent his going out every day. 
On the morning of the 8th of July, after having taken a 
prescription that had been ordered, which was deferred 
perhaps too long, — for he had always the greatest unwil- 
lingness and repugnance to take medicine, — he laid in bed 
conversing with his wife, who was sitting by the bed side, 
for upwards of an hour, with perhaps unusual cheerfulness : 


and looking upon a hanging garden opposite his win- 
dows, that he seemed to contemplate with particular plea- 
sure, and which he once or twice observed he should de- 
light to be walking in — an apoplexy came on, and after 
a slight struggle for a few minutes, he expired without a 

He filled different public employments. He was Judge 
Advocate General of the army from 1775 to 1778. He 
was commissioned as a magistrate in 1781, and was the 
latter part of his life in the commission " throughout the 
Commonwealth." He was a representative for Boston 
in the legislature from 1791 to 1796; a Senator of Suf- 
folk from 1801 to 1803; Commissioner of Bankruptcy 
in 1801 and 1802 ; Secretary of State of Massachusetts 
1809 and 1810 ; Clerk of the Supreme Court from 1811 
to his death. He was a member of several charitable so- 
cieties, and Vice President of the Cincinnati. 

In all that regarded the public w r eal, he felt the strong 
sympathy that belongs to the enlightened citizen ; the na- 
tional prosperity, and the increase of his native town and 
state, always afforded him a very lively satisfaction. He 
was always ready to promote any charity or any public 
work, as far as his means would permit. His manners 
were easy, natural, and frank. He had a radical dislike 
to all kinds of disputes and passionate arguments ; but 
was always ready to participate in the cheerful pleasures 
of social iife ; he was quick in his feelings, and suscep- 
tible of very lively and strong impressions — fond of the 
society of young people, and of moderate gaiety. As a 
husband and parent he was all indulgence and kindness. 
He bore severe reverses and personal ills without repin- 
ing, and without being subdued by them ; and he posses- 
sed in the highest degree, that abnegation of self, which 
in great things goes to the formation of the philosopher, 
in lesser ones, the gentleman. 

He was one of the original members of our Society, 
and officiated as Treasurer from 1791 till he went to 
Europe in 1796. He was one of the committee for pub- 
lishing the second volume, and wrote an article on the 
subject of a national name for the people of the United 

40 VOL. VIII. 


States in the sixth volume, and some other communica- 
tions. He wrote with energy and elegance, but had no 
ambition of authorship. He had left in print three ora- 
tions ; one before the Town, 5th of March, 1779, one be- 
fore the Cincinnati, 4th July, 1791, and before the Char- 
itable Fire Society. He left several MS. journals of tours 
in Europe and this country, which were only intended for 
the amusement of his family. 

He was in the habit of corresponding with President 
Adams from the year 1774 to within a few weeks of his 
death, with occasional interruptions. This correspond- 
ence, within the last two years, was very active ; and arose 
in part from a playful remark of his, that "he wished 
he could draw the old man out," which Mr. Adams 
has more than once alluded to. The letters of President 
Adams related to various public characters and events, 
of which he had a very intimate knowledge ; and which 
is fortunately preserved, to throw a strong light on seve- 
ral interesting points of our history. A part of these let- 
ters, those particularly that related to James Otis, have 
been published in the Boston Daily Advertiser, and Niles's 
Weekly Register at Baltimore, and since collected in a 
volume, with the revolutionary pamphlets of Novanglus 
and Massachusettensis. The correspondence with Presi- 
dent Adams, in former times, was confidential and private. 
Three or four letters are selected from it at a very early 
period, to shew the strong interest, and the early views of 
independence, which were felt by the writer ; a letter 
from General Washington, which contains an opinion on 
one of the works of our former associate, Judge Minot : 
some extracts, also, from the earlier parts of Mr. Ames's 
correspondence, are selected, because they give some ac- 
count of the organization of our present happy govern- 
ment. Perhaps some letters of Mr. Tudor, and others 
addressed to him, relating to public events, may be select- 
ed for a future volume.* 

* This account has been too hastily prepared to admit of obtaining and selecting 
from his correspondence, all that was interesting, and particularly his own letters ad- 
dressed to different persons, and of which he kept no copies. The limits too of the 
volume have been already exceeded. 


From General Washington to W. Tudor, Esq. 

Mount Vernon, August 18*/*, 1788. 

I have just received your friendly letter of the 
26th of July, together with the history of the Insurrec- 
tions in Massachusetts, and cannot delay to return you 
my thanks for these tokens of your regard. 

Though I have not yet had time to look through the 
book, from the interesting nature of the subject, and the 
judicious manner in which it seems to be handled, I anti- 
cipate considerable amusement and information. The 
apology for the publication at the present time is well 
conceived, and forms a just discrimination between the 
circumstances of our own and some other countries. 

The troubles in your state may, as you justly observe, 
have operated in proving to the comprehension of many 
minds, the necessity of a more efficient government. A 
multiplicity of circumstances, scarcely yet investigated, 
appears to have cooperated in bringing about the great, 
and I trust the happy revolution, that is on the eve of be- 
ing accomplished. It will not be uncommon that those 
things which were considered at the moment as real ills, 
should have been no inconsiderable causes in producing 
positive and permanent national felicity. For it is thus 
that providence works in the mysterious course of events, 

11 From seeming evil still educing good." 

I was happy to hear from several respectable quarters, 
that liberal policy and fcederal sentiments had been rapid- 
ly increasing in Massachusetts for some time past : it 
gives me additional pleasure to find that labour is becom- 
ing more productive, and commerce more flourishing 
among the. citizens. 

If I have formerly approved myself inclined to sub- 
serve the public interest, by fostering youthful merit, I 
shall now claim to be credited, when I assert that my cor- 
dial desires for the happiness of the republic and the pros- 


perity of its friends are by no means diminished : and 
particularly when I add that, with great esteem, 
I am, 

Your most obedient and 
most humble servant, 

W. Tudor, Esq. 

From General Knox. 

Head Quarters, Morris Town, 4tfi May, 1777. 
Dear Judge, 

I received your favour by the post, for which I 
thank you. The arrivals lately at Boston amply make 
up the loss at Danbury, which was very great — It was a 
bold push if they thought the people would have opposed 
them, but I believe they were led into the secret by their 
good friends the tories, who have uniformly deceived 
them — they paid a full Lexington price for the pork 
and beef, and that at a time they could ill afford it. 
Reports say you are to be attacked at Boston by General 
Burgoyne with 10,000 Germans, and 3000 British. 
This may or may not be true, but you ought to be pre- 
pared ; piers ought to be sunk between the Castle and 
Governor's Island, and batteries erected at the north part 
of the town. But I am fearful that the good opinion 
which my countrymen have of their harbour, will pre- 
vent them from taking the only method to secure the 

General ,Howe still threatens Philadelphia, but our 
force is now so respectable, that we dare defy him to 
put them in execution. Pray write me the prevailing 
sentiments and news. 

I am, 

Dear Sir, 

Yours hastily, 


Colonel W. Tudor. 


From the Honourable John Adams. 

Philadelphia, Sept. 29, 1774. 

Dear Sir, 

I wish it was in my power to write you any thing 
for the relief of your anxiety, under the pressure of those 
calamities, which now distress our beloved town of 
Boston, and province of Massachusetts. The sentiments 
expressed in your last to me, are such as would do hon- 
our to the best of citizens, in the minds of the virtuous 
and worthy of any age or country, in the worst of times. 
Dulce et decorum est pro patria mori. 

Would'st thou receive thy country's loud applause, 
Lov'd as her father, as her God ador'd, 
Be thou the bold asserter of her cause, 
Her voice in council, in the fight her sword. 

You have no adequate idea of the pleasures or the dif- 
ficulties of the errand I am now upon. The Congress is 
such an assembly, as never before came together on a 
sudden in any part of the world. Here 'are fortunes, 
abilities, learning, eloquence, acuteness, equal to any I 
ever met with in my life. Here is a diversity of reli- 
gions, educations, manners, interests, such as it would 
seem almost impossible to unite in any one plan of con- 

Every question is discussed with a moderation, an 
acuteness and a minuteness equal to that of Queen Eli- 
zabeth's privy council. This occasions infinite delays, 
We are under obligations of secrecy in every tiling, ex- 
cept the single vote you have seen approving the Resolu- 
tions of the County of Suffolk. What effect this vote 
may have with you is uncertain. What you will do God 
knows. You say you look up to the Congress. It is 
well you should : but I hope you will not expect too 
much from us. The delegates here are not sufficiently 
acquainted with our province, and with the circumstances 
you are in, to form a judgment what course it is pro- 
per for you to take. They start at the thought of 


taking up the old charter — they shudder at the prospect 
of blood — yet they are unanimously and unalterably 
against your submission to any of the acts for a single 

You see by this what they are for, viz. that you stand 
stock still, and live without government or law, at least 
for the present, and as long as you can. I have repre- 
sented to them, whenever I see them, the utter impossi- 
bility of four hundred thousand people existing long 
without a legislature, or courts of justice. They all seem 
to acknowledge it, yet nothing can as yet be accomplish- 

We hear perpetually the most figurative panegyrics 
upon our wisdom, fortitude and temperance — the most 
fervent exhortations to perseverance ; but nothing more 
is done. 

I may venture to tell you that I believe we shall agree 
to non-importation, non-consumption, and non-exporta- 
tion, but not to commence so soon as I could wish. 

Indeed all this would be insufficient for our purpose — a 
more adequate support and relief to the Massachusetts 
should be adopted. But I tremble for fear we should fail 
of obtaining it. 

There is however a most laudable zeal, and an excel- 
lent spirit, which every day increases, especially in this 
city. The Quakers had a general meeting last Sunday, 
and are deeply affected with the complexion of the times. 
They have recommended it to all their people to renounce 
tea ; and indeed the people of this city of all denomina- 
tions have laid it generally aside, since our arrival here. 
They are about setting up companies of cadets, volun- 
teers, &c. &c. &c. 

It is the universal opinion here, that General Gage is in 
the horrors, and that he means to act only on the defen- 
sive. How well this opinion is founded, you can judge 
better than I. 

I must beseech you to show this letter to no man, in 
whom you have not the most perfect confidence. It may 
do a great deal of mischief. 


We have had numberless prejudices to remove here. 
We have been obliged to act with great delicacy and 
caution. We have been obliged to keep ourselves out of 
sight, and to feel pulses and sound the depths ; to insin- 
uate our sentiments, designs and desires by means of oth- 
er persons ; sometimes of one province and sometimes of 
another. A future opportunity in conversation will, I 
hope, make you acquainted with all. 



From the same* 

Philadelphia, Oct 7, 1774. 
Dear Sir. 

I have just time to thank you for your letters by 
Mr. Revere, and all of your favours. The task which lies 
upon me here is very arduous. You can form no con- 
ception of it, and I can give you no idea of it. The as- 
surance you give me of the great dependence of the peo- 
ple, upon the result of the deliberations of the Con- 
gress, increase my anxiety. I fear the operations of 
the continent will be too slow, to afford immediate relief 
to Boston. What shall be done for that town is the most 
difficult question we have before us. The professions 
and real dispositions of the gentlemen seem to be the 
very best. But at this distance from you, we who come 
from you, can scarcely form an adequate idea of your 
state, much less can strangers, to whom words and de- 
scriptions can convey but very imperfect notions. 

I have taken great pains to inform the gentlemen, and 
to know their sentiments. The proposal of some among 
you, of reassuming the old charter, is not approved here 
at all. The proposal of setting up a new form of gov- 
ernment of our own is less approved still. The general 
opinion seems to be, as far as I can collect it, that the 
courts of justice should go on upon the old plan, accord- 
ing to the charter and laws of the province. The gov- 
ernour cannot remove any of the judges or justices, ac- 
cording to the charter, without the advice of his Council 


of Fifteen, which they will never give, if for no other 
reason, because they will never be asked. To this there 
are two objections ; the first that the superior judges and 
the justices may refuse to act. Whether they will or not, 
we at this distance cannot determine. This if practicable 
would be most agreeable to the gentlemen here. The 
other objection is, that this will not relieve Boston. 
This is certain, and there is no gentleman here who can 
devise a method for the relief of that devoted town. My 
feelings for its distresses are exquisite. I lie down with 
it in my mind, I dream of it all night, and awake with 
its ghastly spectre before my eyes. 

I wish that you and all the rest of our friends had been 
more explicit, in your private, confidential letters to us, 
in pointing what was thought of, and what was desired 
by the people of Boston and the Massachusetts. The 
expressions in all your letters are a little enigmatical — 
we are left to guess at the meaning. If it is a secret hope 
of many, as I suspect it is, that the Congress will advise 
to offensive measures, they will be mistaken. I have had 
opportunities enough, both public and private, to learn 
with certainty the decisive sentiments of the delegates 
and others upon this point. They will not, at this ses- 
sion, vote to raise men or money, or arms or ammuni- 
tion. Their opinions are fixed against hostilities and 
ruptures, except they should become absolutely necessa- 
ry ; and this necessity they do not yet see. They dread 
the thoughts of an action, because it would make a 
wound, which would never be healed ; it would fix and 
establish a rancour, which would descend to the latest 
generations ; it would render all hopes of a reconciliation 
with Great Britain desperate ; it would light up the 
flames of war, perhaps through the whole continent, 
which might rage for twenty years, and end in the sub- 
duction of America as likely as in her liberation. 

In a letter which has been received here, in several in- 
deed, the thought has been thrown out, of removing the 
inhabitants out of Boston. This would be the grandest 
movement imaginable, if it is practicable. But how all 
their effects can be removed ; how 20,000 people can go 


out ; where they can find support, I know not. It has 
always been my opinion, that it was best for every man, 
woman and child, who had an inclination to go, and 
could find a place, to leave the town. I removed out 
myself upon this principle ; although a different senti- 
ment prevailed generally at that time. The Congress 

will this day consider the case of Boston, and I will write 
you more particularly in the evening. 

[Nothing more is said on the subject, but the same 
letter has the following, under a later date.] 

October 9th. — Mr. Revere will give you all the news. 
I have this day been to a Romish chapel. My imagina- 
tion is so full of holy water, crossings, bowings, and gen- 
uflections, images, paintings, crucifixes, velvet, gold, but 
above all music ; I am amazed that Luther and Calvin 
were ever able to break the charm and dissolve the spell. 



[The following letter has on the superscription, " fa- 
voured by General Washington," and was probably 
brought when he came to take the command of the army.] 

Philadelphia, June 20th, 1775. 
Dear Sir, 

I have lamented excessively the want of your 
correspondence, ever since I have been here. Not a line 
from Dr. Winthrop, Dr. Cooper, Swift, Tudor, from 
some or other of whom I was accustomed, the last fall, 
to receive letters every week. I know not the state, the 
numbers, the officers of the army, the condition of the 
poor people of Boston, or any thing .else. 

I have taken the liberty to mention you to General 
Washington, for his secretary, which is a very genteel 
place. My brothers here very cheerfully and unanimously 
concurred with me in the warmest terms ; a great inter- 
est, however, is making for Mr. Jos. Trumbull and for oth- 
ers. What the General will do, I know not. I would have 

41 VOL. VIII. 


you wait on him respectfully and welcome him to the 
army, and let him know that I desired you to call on 
him : invite him to your father's, and offer your service 
to him. You will be pleased with him. He is brave, 
wise, generous and humane. Our army will be the best 
military school in the empire. 


From the same, 

[Philadelphia,] April 24th, 177&- 
Dear Sir, 

Your favour by Mr. Palfrey I received this 
evening, and it was the more agreeable, because it resolv- 
ed a question I had often asked, and never before could 
obtain an answer, viz. whether the Judge Advocate was 
come with the army to New York. 

I am very sorry to hear that Boston is in so defenceless 
a condition. That harbour must be made impenetrable 
at all events. I think our people will exert themselves, 
but I could have wished that more troops had been left 
there, at least for a time. 

It gives me pleasure to learn that New York is put in 
so good a posture of defence, but I wish I could hear 
that the inhabitants were better pleased with their milita- 
ry visitants. There is one event, which I think would 
essentially alter the public character and conduct of those 
people, and that is, the v institution of a new government. 

This point must be accomplished in that, and every 
other colony. South Carolina has nobly led the way, 
and 1 hope, and from the best intelligence, believe, that 
North Carolina, and Virginia will follow the example, 
with equal wisdom and magnanimity. The Jerseys, too, 
have the same thing in contemplation. This province 
and Maryland will be the last, but not the least resolute, 
when they do adopt the measure. 

I wish you would make this a subject of conversation 
as much as you can, both among* the gentlemen of the 


army and the citizens, and convince all of the expedien- 
cy, practicability and necessity of this measure. Believe 
me, there is nothing on which the salvation of America 
more depends. When this step is taken, the new legis- 
latures would exert themselves with tenfold alacrity in 
every warlike preparation by sea and land. They would 
study and labour to better purpose in manufacturing salt- 
petre, powder, arms, clothing and every thing they want. 

Besides, it would cement the whigs and discourage the 
tories. It would introduce order in the place of confu- 
sion. In short the advantages are innumerable, and the 
disadvantages none. 

How is it possible for people to hear the crier of a 
court pronounce, God save the king ! and for jurors to 
swear well and truly to try an issue between our Sove- 
reign Lord the King, and a prisoner, or to keep his Ma- 
jesty's secrets, in these days, I can't conceive. Don't 

the clergy pray that he may vanquish and overcome all 
his enemies, yet ? — What do they mean by his enemies ? 
— Your army ? 

Have people no consciences, or do they look upon all 
oaths to be custom house oaths ? 

You must not mention my name ; you know the rea- 
son ; it will do more good to come from yourself. 

The New York Congress has done very well in their 
resolutions about saltpetre and powder, and their Council 
of Safety I think have done very well. The friends of 
liberty in that city and colony have great merit ; they 
have struggled with many embarrassments ; they ought 
to be treated with great respect ; and indeed the luke- 
warm, the moderate, the timid, and even the trimmers 
and tories should be gained by gentle treatment, where 
that will do. 

I wish to know if Major Austin and Mr. Rice are at 
New York ; and also to know what regiments are left in 
Boston ; who are the colonels ? — Write me by every 
post ; don't omit one. 


From Mr. Ames. 

New York, April 1, 1789,. 
Dear Sir, 

I will not pretend that I had any right to expect 
a letter from you, till I had first written to you. There- 
fore I will not delay to establish my title to that pleasure. 
For I must take leave to assure you, that I shall feel very 
happy in your correspondence. 

I have the satisfaction to acquaint you, that a quorum 
of thirty representatives attended this morning, who pro- 
ceeded to choose Frederic Augustus Muhlenburg, of 
Pennsylvania, speaker, and John Beckley, of Virginia, 
clerk. Mr. Otis confines his pretensions to the clerkship 
of the Senate. The House adjourned till to-morrow, and 
will then proceed to organize, &c. 

The Senate have eleven only ; Mr. Reed of Delaware 
is expected daily, for the twelfth. It is not clear that they 
will form this week ; but it is very confidently affirmed 
and expected ; of course the business of counting the votes 
must be delayed, and their majesties elect, (their town 
meeting majesties, as Hughes calls them) must remain 
several weeks longer on a footing with their fellow citi- 
zens. However, before their arrival, we trust we shall 
be engaged in business, and be ready with some very ne- 
cessary acts. The revenue and judiciary cannot be post- 
poned. They are the law and the prophets of our gov- 
ernment, and perhaps of every government. The judi- 
ciary will be an arduous business. Men of inquiry must 
turn their thoughts to it, and furnish all the hints which 
may occur to them. 

A great majority of the members of both Houses are 
federal. A right and temperate administration of govern- 
ment is now the only desideratum. The feds have too 
much faith in its good, and the anti's too much forecast of 
its ill tendencies. Both will be baulked probably. 

The Federal Hall is spacious and noble, and so nearly 
finished, that we shall sit in it to-morrow ; we met in a 


smaller apartment to-day. The people of this city are very 
zealously federal, and have paid a great sum of money 
for the building. Their zeal will probably make brother 
King their representative for the State Legislature. He 
is nominated. This state is on fire about governour — 
but the fuel does not seem so dry as it is in Massachu- 
setts. I wish to be informed about the politics and events 
of the day. 

From the same. 

New York, April 25, 1789. 
Dear Sir, 

I thank you for your favour per mail, and I assure 
you that I shall be happy to procure that sort of gratifi- 
cation, from time to time, upon the terms of communi- 
cating any thing from this quarter, which may be worth 
your notice. 

I cannot act the philosopher, with regard to the in- 
temperate party spirit of our state. The power of the 
State Legislature extends to the greater part of the objects 
of government. This fiery zeal will not only disturb 
the tranquillity, but endanger the rights of the citizens, 
and we shall feel the difference between good and bad 
government in a multitude of cases, in which the Congress 
cannot or will not interpose. The federal government is 
not an Hercules, and if it was, it is yet in the cradle, and 
might come off second best in a struggle with the ser- 
pent. The House of Representatives is composed of 
men of experience and good intentions, but we have no 
Foxes nor Burkes. They will be inclined to a tempe- 
rate, guarded policy. In the present situation of Amer- 
ica, and perhaps in almost every possible situation, it 
will be necessary for the government to follow, rather 
than to controul the general sentiment, The dissemina- 
tion of just sentiments is not very difficult. The strug- 
gle to procure the adoption of the constitution, has suf- 
ficiently disposed the most influential men to the belief 
and propagation of the opinions most favourable to gov- 
ernment. If the imprudence of the government should 


not hurry them, by measures repugnant to these prepos- 
sessions, into the opposite system, I am in hopes that we 
shall think and act as a nation, and in proportion as state 
prejudices and preferences shall subside, the federal 
government will gain strength. For some time the lat- 
ter will act a temporizing part, though I am not certain 
that it is ever the safer. — We are a little afraid to direct 
that all officers, state as well as federal, shall be bound 
by oath, &c. It is said that the states will make proper 
provision, and it will discover a jealousy of their good 
intentions, to direct them to do what the constitution, 
which is already law, prescribes. We are voting duties 
with less circumspection. For the sake of a great reve- 
nue we impose high duties. An high profit to the 
smuggler will defeat their efficacy. 

Sunday afternoon, 26. — The papers will inform you of 
all the nothings in regard to the arrival of the President 
and Vice President. The people were disposed to pay 
all possible respect to them. When I saw Washington 
I felt very strong emotions. I believe that no man ever 
had so fair a claim to veneration as he. Next Thursday 
he is to be received in form by the two Houses, and to 
take the oath in public. This will impede business a 
good deal till it shall be over. Fireworks are prepared, 
which I hope will have a better effect than the illumina- 
tion. This was done suddenly, it having been counter- 
manded. A violent rain at the time, and the lower win- 
dows and upper windows of four story houses being, for 
the most part, dark, these circumstances took off much 
of the brilliancy of the spectacle. 

From the same. 

New York, July 12, 1789- 
Dear Sir, 

I am happy to find that you approve the decision of 
the House upon the question of the President's power of 
removal from office. The men of information and proper- 
ty, who are stigmatized as aristocrats, appear to me more 


solicitous to secure liberty than the loudest champions of 
democracy. They not only wish to enjoy, but to perpetu- 
ate liberty, by giving energy enough to government to 
preserve its own being, when endangered by tumult and 
faction. A mob is despotic per se, and it tends to destroy 
all liberty. One Abner Fowler, it is said, in 1787, would 
have the town instruct their members against the constitu- 
tion — for, he observed, it would destroy their liberties, 
they could never have another mob. I wish that his 
judgment may be verified. The executive branch of our 
government is not strong. I am sure the people cannot 
be interested on the side of depriving him of any part of 
his constitutional powers. Those who argued on that 
side, seemed to consider themselves as the defenders of 
liberty — pointed out the danger to the people, and the 
shameful usurpation of power, in deciding as it was de- 
cided. They said the constitution was not express in 
giving the power to the President — constructions were, 
they said, replete with danger, and then they proceeded, 
upon the strength of construction, to prove that the Sen- 
ate has the power of advice in removals. This opinion 
seemed to nourish their zeal, and made them inflexible 
in their opposition to any infringement of the constitu- 
tion. This will appear to the world a serious proof of 
the degree in which the understandings of men may be 
misled, when their passions are heated. This debate 
seemed to menace faction, but the good humour of the 
House has returned, and business goes on again as agreea- 
bly as formerly. To whatever cause it may be owing, 
the fact is certain, that there is very little of party spirit 
in our house, and less seeming intrigue and cabal than I 
have ever seen in any public body. 

Our progress has been slow. There seems in the 
public to be a general disposition to excuse it, to bring 
into view the complex nature of the business, and to call 
it by the name of wisdom and prudent caution. We 
have certainly proceeded more tardily than I expected, 
or will affect to approve. But the application to business 
has been unexceptionable. The whole body actually at- 
tends. Not a member absent, except four or five with 


leave. Punctual attendance of the whole, and at the 
hour, is given ; and very few retire, unless to drink water 
in the committee room, during the five hours attendance. 
Our collection bill has been pushed as diligently as I ev- 
er knew business prosecuted. It is reported by the com- 
mittee of the whole to the House, and will be sent in a 
few days to the Senate. The judicial is before the Sen- 
ate still. They have laboured upon it as hard as so many 
schoolmasters or merchants' clerks. I expect it in our 
House in six or eight days. It will be debated warmly, 
and I am afraid will not be treated as a system, but made 
patch work by fanciful amendments. We begin to talk 
of a recess in August. I wish it most ardently, but am 
afraid it will not take place till September. 

From the same. 

New York, January 17, 1790. 
Dear Sir, 

The report of the Secretary of the Treasury has 
set curiosity in motion. It is allowed to be a masterly 
performance — is very long — is ordered to be printed, and 
taken up in the committee of the whole on Thursday 
week. The state debts are proposed to be assumed, and 
all the debts, except foreign, reloaned at four per cent. 
It is not to be presumed that any system, especially one 
so complex and important, can pass without great debate. 
Perhaps it ought not to be wished. 

I hear that Mr. is going to eat up the bar, not, as 

the opossum does her young, for protection, but as the 
turkey-cock eats grasshoppers. 

An excise on spirits, wine, teas and coffee is proposed 
to furnish the cash. How will this suit the fair traders ? 
The other sort of gentry I think will not be suited. 

From the same. 

New York, Feb. 7, 1790. 

I thank you for your esteemed favour by the 
mail. The attempts of Mr. may not demolish the 


bar, but they serve to prolong the silly prejudice against 
them. His whimsical violence, and overdoing the matter, 
may perhaps disgust even prejudice, and turn the current 
a little the other way against the persecutors. I sup- 
pose the world will not allow the lawyers to compare their 
persecutions with those of the primitive Christians. 

I perceive our General Court have a fondness %* pay- 
ing debts, and Mr. Edes's paper complains of the hard- 
ship and danger of having them paid by a foreign govern- 
ment, for whom, and at whose special instance they were 
contracted. No doubt these people would claim repay- 
ment of the United States. How is that to be reconciled 
to the project of keeping the debt alive, as a good thing, 
and a nurse to the sovereignty of the state. Or would it 
be expected that the state should get paid by the U. S. 
and refuse to pay the creditors afterwards ? For payment 
would destroy this good thing the debt. I should think 
our people mad if they should finally oppose the assump- 
tion of the state debts, which has clogged industry, kept 
the state poor and uneasy, and 'kindled one rebellion, and 
will banish the farmers to the western woods. 

I have actually sought for the Bath Memoirs for Mrs. 
Tudor's memorandum, hitherto without success. The 
book is not in the New York library, where I went to in- 
quire for it. If possible, I will send the information she 
desires. Please to present my most respectful regards to 
her. A young Mr. Martin Hoffman is now in Boston, 
and I promised to give him letters of introduction, but 
shamefully forgot it. You will see him, however, I pre- 
sume, as his agreeable mother says she is acquainted 
with you. Permit me to hope that you will introduce 
him to the good folks, whom he may wish to see. I told 
him in particular that I would write to Gore. 

To-morrow we are going to turn financiers — scarce a 
head in New York that is not ready to burst with a plan. 
The issue is very doubtful, as many oppose the assump- 
tion of the state debts, and others propose to offer the 
creditors three per cent, which I presume they would re- 
ject with indignation. 

42 vol. vin. 


P. S. Were your witnesses militia, who opposed the 
regular allied troops in the case ? In case of an ap- 
peal, your troops may perhaps be taught the evolutions. 
I hope Judge N. is well, and the other judges ; as the 
returning prosperity of their court may be supposed to 
keep them alive many years. 

From the same. 

New York, March 3, 1790. 

We have not decided upon the assumption of the 

state debts. hangs heavy on us. If he is a 

friend, he is more troublesome than a declared foe. He 
is so much a Virginian ; so afraid that the mob will cry 
out, crucify him ; sees Patrick Henry's shade at his 
bedside every night ; fears so much the eastern con- 
federacy, and perhaps thinks it unpleasant to come in as 
an auxiliary to support another's plan ; that he has kept 
himself wrapt up in mystery, and starts new objections 
daily. I hope a favourable event. But the work goes 
on heavily and slowly. 

From the same. 

Philadelphia, Dec. 30, 1790. 

We have no want of business. The House at the 
first engrossed almost all the important objects of discus- 
sion, leaving the Senate a holiday season. But we have 
since sent up the bank, weights and measures, and other 
matters, to set them at work. Like good neighbours, we 
borrow and lend. The last session was managed as 
this began. The Senate were ousted of the greater part 
of the business. The bank is an important instrument in 
the hands of the government, and may be made to do a 
great deal of good. It will pass, it is said, in the Senate, 
though I do not know who has the means of knowing 
that it will. It has to encounter some prejudices and lo- 
cal institutions. The state banks apprehend injury. This 


did not happen it is said in England, when the national 
bank was established. Besides, room is to be left for in- 
corporating those banks into the new one hereafter. — 
While I allude to things of this nature, I recollect a piece 
in Adams's papers recommending a canal through Cape 
Cod. I am an enthusiast on those points. While I see 
this place becoming a London in wealth, and more than 
a London already in arrogance, I long to see some plan of 
inland navigation effected, which alone seems adequate to 
the resuscitation of Boston. The public must be prepar- 
ed gradually for such undertakings. The newspapers may 
be made use of to kindle some zeal for this purpose. 
Here every body is as forward to promote public objects 
as a Roman, and perhaps because, like a Roman, he thinks 
all the rest of the world barbarians. I own this is rather 
illiberal. You will make allowances. But they are in 
advance of us in public spirit and enterprise. It will 
however be allowed that our individuals are full of spirit 
and enterprise, and perhaps do as well at present as tliey 
do any where. But our public institutions are inferior. 
Our friend Mr. Breck is no doubt exulting in the repu- 
tation of his duck. Mr. Anthony here tells me its cre- 
dit is very high, and that he cannot get so much of it as 
he wants. He cannot get a suit of sails for a New Lon- 
don ship in particular. 

We have voted the principles of an excise bill, without 
much difficulty, and a bill like that which failed the last 
session is reported, and the order of the day for next 
Tuesday. This will complete the provision for the pub- 
lic credit, which is very high. It denotes health in the 
body politic. 

From the same. 

Philadelphia,!^. 24, 1791. 

Mr. Soderstrom has just handed me the enclosed, 

desiring me to forward it to you. I take the occasion to 

express the pleasure I receive by hearing directly from 

your town, and particularly that you are standing on two 


good legs, and with very little reliance on their wooden 
coadjutors. I am gratified by Mr S's accounts, which 
are confirmed by other testimony, of the flourishing and 
satisfied state of Boston. The multitude of new houses 
erecting in this city and New York, and other marks of 
increasing wealth and populousness, are a constant provo- 
cative to the amor patriae of a Bostonian. But the papers 
tell us of many fine things that are going forward with 
you — the town is to be lighted, the market decorated and 
reformed, and a theatre. It is observable that our young 
men are vigilant to keep our manners incorrupt as well 
as the old. Whether the stage is a friend or foe to taste 
and morals is possibly not capable of very full proof; nor 
does it seem to me necessary to decide the point with 
more than we have. For as people earn their own mon- 
ey, it seems reasonable that they should spend it. In 
earning, a man may choose freely between rest and action, 
and their effects, want and abundance. Why govern- 
ment should wait till the money is obtained, and then 
controul the disposal of it, rather than begin at the first 
stage, and compel men to earn it, I confess I do not see. 
The latter would be the more effectual measure, as idle- 
ness is less friendly to economy and virtue than luxury, 
and possibly would be as consistent with the right of a 
man to his own. Men who have many wants will have 
many talents. A new stimulus is furnished to the mind 
to supply by skill, what is necessary to the enjoyment of 
life. It may therefore be questioned whether a new ex- 
pense tends to make a people poorer. For it may dimin- 
ish one or several before indulged in, as it may stimulate 
men to greater action, and thereby supply its own de- 
mand. The General Court will not, I fancy, think well 
of an indulgence which will cost so much. I confess I 
have my doubts whether a theatre could be supported 
long in Boston. Few strangers resort there in winter, 
and the citizens would soon become sated with theatrical 
exhibitions. But I shall soon (if I have not already 
done it) convince you that I am little acquainted with the 
arguments which were used in town meeting. I write 
under the influence of a single opinion, that people should 


be allowed to do as they like in any case not palpably 

The bank of the U. S. is beginning to print its bills, 
and will be employed in business in a few days. You 
have seen the plan of branches. I do not hear of any 
strong objections stated against the plan. If successful, 
it must secure in the event a good dividend. Congress 
is not engaged in very interesting work. The first acts 
were the pillars of the federal edifice. Now we have on- 
ly to keep the sparks from catching the shavings ; we 
must watch the broom, that it is not set behind the door 
with fire on it, &c. &c. Nobody cares much for us now, 
except the enemies of the excise law, who remonstrate 
and make a noise. 

Opinion of Court about Malden Church — 1651. 
At a Counsell held at Boston Ath March 1651. 

A HE Counsell being informed of the Church of Mai- 
den's intension to proceed to censure Thomas Line for 
what evidence he gave into the General Court against 
Mr. Marmaduke Mathews, did order that the Secretary 
should write to the Church of Maiden, in their name, as 

Christian Friends and Brethren, 

We being credibly informed of some purpose of 
yours to proceed further to censure Thomas Line for the 
testimony he gave in Court against Mr. Mathews, and 
that to excommunication ; knowing ourselves with what 
tenderness arid caution he gave his aforesaid testimony 
and what disturbance your proceeding may probably oc- 
casion, both in the churches and civil government, we 
thought it no less than our duty, in a case of this con- 
cernment, yet without any intension or desire in the least 
to infringe the liberty the Lord Jesus Christ hath pvr~ 


chased for his churches, do desire you to take the counsell 
and advice of three or four of your next neighbouring 
churches in the case aforesaid, before you proceed to 
further censure ; it being also Thomas Line's earnest re- 
quest as we are informed ; so that if the case shall appear 
clear to others, as it may seem to do to you, you may 
then proceed with more peace and comfort, and be more 
fully convinced, if then he should continue obstinate — 
But in case it should appear otherwise to other churches 
than it doth to you, the rule of God's word may be 
further attended therein, for the preservation of true love 
and peace, which we desire you will jointly endeavour to 
promote with ourselves. So we rest your loving friends. 
By order from the Counsell, 

EDWARD RAWSON, Secretary. 

[It seems, that Mr. Mathews had been accused of preaching u divers 
erroneous, unsound and unsafe opinions," and summoned to attend the 
General Court to answer to the charge. In this hearing, Mr. Thomas 
Line gave testimony unfavourable to Mr. Mathews : But the people of 
Maiden, being satisfied with, or wishing to justify Mr. Mathews, for his 
opinions, proceeded to censure Mr. Line for his testimony. — The letter 
serves to show the degree of authority claimed and exercised by the civil 
government, in such cases, at that period. Edit.] 

An Addition to the Act entituled an Act for the set- 

X>E it enacted, &c. That the House of Representatives 
of the people of this province, being a part of the Great 
and General Court or Assembly, have by their Majesties 
most gracious charter undoubted right to all the liberties 
and priviledges of an English Assembly, and to have and 
use freedom of debate and suffrage in all matters proper 
to them as such, as the Commons of the Kingdom of 
England have and use — and the choice and appointment 


of all civil offices not particularly directed to ends enu- 
merated in their charter, doth of right belong to the 
Great and General Court or Assembly — and that soe of- 
ten as any money is to be raised and levied of the people 
of this province, the House of Representatives ought par- 
ticularly to be advised what use and improvement such 
money is to be raised for. 

And further be it enacted, that the appointment and 
establishment of all sallaries of any officers within this 
province, be and hereby is declared to belong to the said 
General Court or Assembly — and that noe publicke mon- 
ies be or ought to be disposed of by the Governor and 
Counsell but for the uses and intents of and according 
to the acts by which the said money is raised — and that 
no money may or ought to be drawn or paid out of the 
publicke treasury of this province, but by warrant or or- 
der of the Governor, with the advice and consent of the 
Counsell for the time being, expressing particularly 
the act by which the said money was raised, and for what 
particular service the same is designed, and to be applied 
pursuant to said act or acts, other than contingent char- 
ges for the support of the government of the province 
for the time being. 

June 2d, 1694. Read three times in the House of 
Representatives, and passed in the affirmative ; and 
sent up to his Excellency the Governor and Counsel! 
for their concurrence and consent. 


Read in Counsell and voted to be engrost, 


[Copy of a law defining the powers of the House of Representatives. 
June, 1694, by which it will be very evident, that almost precisely the 
same sentiments prevailed in that early period of our history, which arc 
now considered correct and republican. Edit.] 

328 errours corrected. 

Errours Corrected. 

Boston, Sth Sept. 1818. 

James Savage, Esq. 
Dear Sir, 

1 N papers communicated by me to the Historical Socie- 
ty there are several mistakes, which it is my duty to cor- 
rect. By inserting therefore the following list of Errata 
in the next volume of the Collections, you will oblige 

Your friend, 


Vol. X- 1st Series, page 258, 2d column, after line 22, 

insert Guilford court-house, battle of. ii. 206. 
-. p. 266, 1st column, 1. 37, for Johnson, 

minister of wobum, read Johnson, captain ed- 

tvard of wobum. 
Vol. III. 2d Series, p. 41, 1. 20, dele and has a natural 

communication with the sea. 

p. 47, 1. 1, dele on land about a hundred and 

twenty feet in height. 

p. 48, 1. 29, dele and the land, where the above 

mentioned small pond is placed, is supposed to* 
be a hundred and twenty feet in height. 

- p. 69, 1. 25, dele Joseph was graduated at Har- 
vard-College in 1730, and was chosen tutor in 
1739. He was a man of super iour abilities and 

And after Another member of this illustrious 
family was, 1. 7 from bottom, insert a nephew 
of Experience, Joseph Mayhew, Esquire, ivho 
was graduated at Harvard College in 1 730, and 
was chosen tutor in 1739. He was a man of 
superiour abilities and learning. — Another dis- 
tinguished member teas the late Dr. Matthew 


Vol. III. p. 91, 1. 10, for five hundred, read three hun- 
p. 94, 1. 10, from bot. for and both of them In- 
dians, read the first of the mixed race, the se- 
cond an Indian. 

Acknowledgment of Donations. 


HE thanks of the Massachusetts Historical Society 
are presented for the following donations. 

A. HOLMES, Corresponding Secretary. 

Les chefs d'oeuvre de P. Corneille, 5 vols. 8vo. ; Le 
Manuel des Proprietaires, 8vo. ; Essai sur P Instruction 
des Aveugles [with plates,] 8vo. ; Dictionnaire des ouv- 
rages anonymes et psendonymes, 4 vols. 4to. [These 
books are very elegantly bound, and each has the impres- 
sion of the arms of the king of France.] 

Presented by his most Christian Majesty 
Louis XVIII. 

Warden, D. B. Esq. [late American consul at Paris] 
on Consuls. The Author. 

Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, 
vol. 1. New Series. The Society. 

A Star in the West ; or A humble Attempt to discover 
the long lost ten Tribes of Israel. By Elias Boudinot, 
LL. D. 1816. The Author. 

A MS. copy of Charles Morton's Essay concerning 
Preaching ; a MS. copy of C. Morton's Physicks ; and 
a MS. book of Rev. Amos Cheever. 

Isaac Mansfield, Esq. 

Xlth. Report of the British and Foreign Bible Socie- 
ty ; two Addresses on the deplorable State of the Indians, 
by Walter Bromley, Halifax, N. S. 1815 ; Massachusetts 
State Papers, 1765 — 1775; Summons to Sir Edmund 
Andros at Fort Hill. Alden Bradford, Esq. 

Paley's Sermon, recommending Caution in the Use of 
Scriptural Language ; Dr. E. Porter's Sermon at the 
43 vol. vni. 


Ordination of J. G. Palfrey ; Col. Swan's Address to the 
Senate and House of Representatives of U. S. on Agri- 
culture, Manufactures, and Commerce ; Rev. H. Col- 
man's Discourse before the Ancient and Honourable Ar- 
tillery Company, 1818; Dr. Harris's Discourse before 
the Rising Star Lodge ; Boston and Roxbury Mill Cor- 
poration ; Report of Executive Committee of the Bible 
Society of Massachusetts, 1818 ; Services at laying the 
Corner Stone of the Massachusetts General Hospital, 
1818. Mr. John Eliot 

The form of an Admittatur at Harvard College in 1689, 
with College Laws. Dr. Nathaniel Noyes. 

J. Farmer's Historical Memoir of Billerica, Mass. from 
its first settlement to 1816. The Author. 

Holmes's Discourse at the opening of the New Alms- 
house in Cambridge, 1818 ; Sermon before the Conven- 
tion of the Congregational Ministers of Massachusetts in 
Boston, 1819. The Author. 

Report of the Society for propagating the Gospel 
among the Indians and others in North America, 1818. 

The Society. 

Trumbull's History of Connecticut. Vol. 2d. 

The Author. 

Rules of the Philadelphia Dispensary, and Annual Re- 
port for 1813. Ebenezer Hazard, Esq. 

Rev. John Cushing's Half Century Sermon. Ash- 
burnham, 1818. The Author. 

Deed of Land, given by Daniel Takawombait, (In- 
dian; Minister of Natick, to Thomas Sawin, 1692, and 
several other Indian deeds and papers. 

Mr. William Bigloiv. 

Acts passed at the first Session of the first General As- 
sembly of the Alabama Territory, 1818. 

George Burroughs, Esq. 

History of the famous Edict of Nantz, containing an 
Account of all the Persecutions that have been in France 
from its first Publication to this present time. Vol. 1. 
1694. Dr. Webster. 

MS. Copy of Eliot's Indian Grammar. 

The American Philosophical Society. 


Dr. Cummings' Half Century Discourse, 1313. 

Jeremiah Farmer, Esq. 

Dr. Saunders' Sermon at Medfield, at the 166th Anni- 
versary of the Incorporation of that Town. The Author. 

Rev. J. M. Winchell's two Discourses, exhibiting an 
Historical Sketch of the First Baptist Church in Boston 
from 1665 to 1818. The Author. 

First Annual Report of the British Charitable Society, 
1817. The Society. 

Rev. L. Wright's Century Sermon at Medway, 1813. 

Mr. Jasper Adams. 

Dr. Foster's Sermon before the Society for propagat- 
ing the Gospel among the Indians and others in North 
America. The Author. 

Catalogue of those who have been educated at the 
Theological Seminary in Andover. 1818. 

Mr. John Adams. 

Vindication of the Captors of Major Andre. 

General Humphreys. 

Memoire sur la Topographie de Livourne et ses Bains 
de Mer. Par M. P. Guigou. 

Rev. Thomas Hall, of Leghorn. 

Professor Dewar's Observations on the Theory of 
Language. The Author. 

MS. of Rev. H. Gibbs of Watertown. 

Hon. Leverett Saltonstall. 

A Map of Watertown in Massachusetts, 1646. 

Rev. Samuel Ripley. 

Beede's Sermon, the Allegory of the Olive Tree, or 
the Abrahamic Covenant not disannulled ; do. Election 
Sermon at Concord (N. H.J 1811 ; Sixth Report of the 
New Hampshire Bible Society, 1817 ; Medical and Ag- 
ricultural Register for 1806 and 1807; New Hampshire 
Register for 1808, 1809, 1816; MS. Memoir of the 
Narraganset Townships ; and sundry ancient letters and 
papers; H. Moore's Fast Discourse, 1812 ; J. Appleton's 
Sermon at the Ordination of E. P. Bradford ; E. Thay- 
er's Discourse at the Interment of Hon. Josiah Bartlett, 
Esq. with an Eulogy ; E. Richmond's Sermon at the Or- 
dination of Lemuel Wadsworth, and E. Hill's Sermon 


at the Interment of Rev. L. Wadsworth ; Anciennes 
Archives Francaises, &c. or, Extracts from the Minutes 
of Council relating to the Records of Canada while under 
the Government of France ; Journal of Massachusetts 
Commissioners at a Treaty with the Penobscotts, Nor- 
ridgewocks, and other tribes of Eastern Indians, 1749. 

Mr. John Farmer. 

Rev. N. L. Frothingham's Sermon on the death of 
Rev. Joseph McKean, D. D. LL. D. ; Form of the 
Leases of Episcopal Church Lands. Unknown. 

Remembrancer, or Impartial Repository of public 
Events ^containing the most important Papers relating to 
the American Revolution), printed for J. Almon. Lon- 
don. 1775—1784. 17 vols. 8vo. 

General J. P. Boyd. 

The New York Spectator. Messrs. Lewis $$ Hall. 

The Columbian Centinel. Benjamin Russell, Esq. 

The Weekly Messenger. Nathan Hale, Esq. 

The New England Galaxy. Mr. J. T. Buckingham. 

The Boston Gazette. Messrs. Russell <Sjf Gardner. 


An elegant medallion of Princess Charlotte. The In- 
scription : CAROLETTA AVGVSTA. On the re- 

Jonathan F. Dana, M. D.